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A Concise History 
of New Mexico 



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I 




A Concise History 
of New Mexico 

hf BRADFORD PRINCE, LL.D. 

President of the Historical Society of New Mexico: Hon. Member of the 

American Numismatic and Archaeological Society: Hon. Member of the 

Missouri Historical Society; of the Kansas Historical Society; 

of the Wisconsin Historical Society; Cor. Member 

of the Texas Historical Society, Sec, &c. 



4 




THE TORCH PRESS 

CEDAR RAPIDS, IOWA 

1912 






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COPYRIGHT, 1912, BY 
L. BRADFORD PRINCE 



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THE TORCH PRESS 

CEDAR RAPIDS 

IOWA 



CI.A328090 



CONTENTS 



Preface 


ii 


Chapter I 




New Mexico in General .... 


. 13 


Name 


. 13 


Boundaries 


. 14 


C.'VPITAL 


. 17 


Population 


. 18 


Chapter II 




The Aborigines 


. 20 


Chapter III 




The Pueblo Indians 


. 30 


Chapter IV 




Cabeza de Vaca 


. 52 


Chapter V 




Friar Marcos de Niza 


. 58 


Chapter VI 




CORONADO 


. 66 


Chapter VII 




Friar Ruiz and Espejo 


. 79 


Mission of Agustin Ruiz .... 


. 79 


Espejo 's Expedition 


. 81 


Chapter VIII 




Attempts at Colonization — 1585-1598 


. 86 


Castano de Sosa 


. 87 


Bonilla and Humana 


. 90 


Chapter IX 




The Conquest by On ate .... 


92 


Chapter X 




Spanish Occupation — 1598-1680 . 


. 300 


Chapter XI 




The Pueblo Revolution 


. no 


Chapter XII 




The Re-conquest 


. 117 



8 CONTENTS 




Chapter XIII 




The Spanish Era — 1696-1822 . . . . 


. 121 


Chapter XIV 




The Expedition op Lieutenant Pike — 1806 


. 132 


Chapter XV 




Mexican Government — 1821-1846 


. 148 


Rulers ......... 


. 150 


Pioneers 


. 153 


Texan Santa Fe Expedition .... 


. 155 


Chapter XVI 




The Insurrection of 1837 


. 159 


Chapter XVII 




The Santa Fe Trail 


. 164 


Chapter XVIII 




Spanish and Mexican Governors 


. 175 


Chapter XIX 




The American Occupation 


. 178 


Chapter XX 




U. S. Provisional Government — 1846-1851 


. 187 


Chapter XXI 




The Territorial Period — 1851-1912 . 


. 191 


Chapter XXII 




The Texan Invasion of 1862 .... 


. 220 


Chapter XXIII 




Struggle for Statehood 


. 227 


Chapter XXIV 




Churches 


. 244 


Schools 


. 252 


Nev^spapers 


. 258 


Chapter XXV 




United States Officials 


. 263 


Governors 


. 263 


_ Secretaries 


. 264 


Chief Justices 


. 265 


Delegates in Congress 


. 266 


Chapter XXVI 




State Organization, 1912 


. 268 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



The Capitol at Santa Fe . 

KuiNS OF Church at Cuara 

Ruins of Church at Tabira (Gran Quivira) 

Part of Church at Tabira (Gran Quivira) 

Stone Lions of Cochiti — Ground Plan . 

Stone Lions op Cochiti 

Pueblo Indian Idols 

Pueblo Indian Idols 

Pueblo Indian Idols 

Pueblo Indian Idols 

Pueblo Indian Dance 

Oldest House in Santa Fe (before altered) 

The Governor's Palace, Santa Fe 

The Plaza, Santa Fe .... 

Ground Plan of Old Fort Marcy, Santa Fe 

Ballot at First State Election, 1850 

The Ben Hur Room in Palace 

Signing the Enabling Act 

Pens which Signed Enabling Act 

U. S. Indian School, Santa Fe 

First Page of Statehood Enabling Act 



Frontispiece c^ 

24 

26 

27 

31 

33 

37 

39 

41 

43 

49 

103 

122 

149 

181 

189 

201 

239 

241 

2.59 

267 



PKEFACE 

After the publication of the Historical Sketches of New Mex- 
ico in 1883, and especially after the burning of the plates of that 
book at Kansas City, two pieces of historical work were con- 
stantly pressed upon me : First, the writing of an enlarged and 
revised History of New Mexico, which should include all of the 
important matter which has been made available since 1883 ; and 
second, the preparation of a condensed volume which would con- 
tain the essential facts in comparatively small space, so as to be 
available for the general reader and for use in the schools of 
New Mexico. 

For the first of these purposes, a large amount of material, 
much of it from original sources and the statements of eye wit- 
nesses as to recent events, was accumulated ; but the opportunity 
for putting it in proper form never presented itself, and the 
publication of the admirable histories by Colonel Twitchell and 
Hon. B. M. Read has now made such a work unnecessary. The 
new State, as well as the distinguished authors, is to be congrat- 
ulated on the successful completion of these works, and on the 
amount of valuable and interesting information thus presented 
to the New INTexican people. 

The condensation and revision of the matter in the Historical 
Sketches, in order to accomplish the second work above referred 
to, was done to quite an extent over twenty years ago, but was 
interrupted by other matters that required exclusive attention ; 
and about ten years since was almost completed, but again was 
laid aside to meet other engagements. Meantime, the acquisition 
by the New Mexico Historical Society of rare literary treasures, 
and especially of the remarkable original documents which it had 
the good fortune to secure, gave an opportunity for correction 



12 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

and revision that had been impossible before : so that I do not 
regret the long delay in accomplishing the design. 

The end of the territorial era by the acquisition of statehood 
seemed to present the proper opportunity for the completion of 
tliis work; and the recent requirements of law relative to the 
teaching of New Mexican history in the public schools has caused 
a wide-spread request for immediate action. The result is the 
little volume now presented. 

It aims to be simply what its name implies, a "concise" 
History of New Mexico. Many a time in its preparation, when 
some subject of peculiar importance, or as to which there has 
been some controversy, has been involved, the temptation has 
been great to go into details which could scarcely fail to be inter- 
esting ; but that temptation has always been resisted in order not 
to exceed the prescribed brevity of treatment. 

The one idea that has been uppermost is, that, whatever is 
omitted, the facts that are stated shall he ahsolutely accurate ; 
so that at any rate no false impressions may be given nor current 
mistakes perpetuated. 

If I have succeeded in this I shall be fully content. But as 
nothing human is infallible, I will welcome any suggestions of 
correction ; and be glad to make them useful in perfecting future 
editions. 

L. Bradford Prince 

Santa Fe, August 15, 1912 



CHAPTER I 

New Mexico in General — Name, Boundaries, 
Population, Capital 

NAME 

The name of New Mexico is the oldest in the United States 
except that of Florida. 

The latter, as is well-known, was given to the peninsula by 
Ponce de Leon on his discovery of its shores in 1512 ; some con- 
sider it was so named on account of the discovery being made on 
Easter Day, called by the Spaniards '"Pascua Florida;" and 
others, that it M^as to designate it as the "Land of Flowers," its 
exuberant beauty in that respect being very striking on the bright 
spring day when the sight of its vegetation gladdened the eyes 
of the Spanish explorers. 

The name of New Mexico first appears in the narrative of 
Antonio de Espejo, in 1583. having been given to the fifteen 
provinces which he discovered on his expedition, as we are told 
by the historian Gonzales de Mendoza, "because it is similar in 
many things to the other Mexico already discovered. ' ' The nar- 
rative of Espejo 's exploration reached Europe and was published 
in Madrid in 1586, and was found to be of such interest that it 
was speedily translated into French by Luc de la Porte, and 
printed in Paris but one year later, and also appeared in Italian 
and English ; so that the description of the newly found region 
in the interior of North America was soon known to all the 
world. The name. New Mexico, immediately' received the ratifi- 
cation of universal adoption, and was continuously applied to 
all the portions of the continent north of Old Mexico, for hun- 
dreds of years. 



14 HISTORY OP NPJW MEXICO 

BOUNDARIES 

The boundaries and dimensions of New Mexico, from the first, 
were very indefinite. On the west it reached to the South Sea, 
as the Pacific Ocean was then called, and on the north there was 
no claimant to prevent its extension to the Arctic regions. On 
the south, it began where the northern provinces of Mexico — 
New Galicia and New Biscay — ended, but with no established 
boundary ; and on the east, for over a century, it divided the 
country with Florida, which occupied all the region commencing 
at the Atlantic and extending westward beyond the Mississippi. 

After settlements were made along the Mississippi, and the 
valley of that river became known as Louisiana, there were three 
divisions in the midst of the continent, instead of two, Louisiana 
coming between Florida and New Mexico ; and after another in- 
terval, the Pacific coast separated itself and was distinguished as 
California. The changes can be traced better by maps printed 
from time to time, than from any documents. 

On Samson's map, dated 1656, of Le Nouvcau Mcxigue et la 
Flonde, New Mexico extends north indefinitely, and is bounded 
on the east by Canada or New France, and by Florida; being 
separated from the latter by an imaginary range of mountains, 
represented as running north and south about 200 miles west of 
the Mississippi, which is called on this map, "Rio de Espiritu 
Santo." In the opposite direction New Mexico extends west to 
the South Sea and the Gulf of California, here named "Mar 
Vermeio." 

Forty-three years later, on Sauerman's map of North Amer- 
ica, published at Bremen, in 1699, Nouveau Mexique extends 
from the Gulf of California (Mer Rouge) to the Mississippi 
(Grand Fleuve INIeschasipi) ; Florida ending at that river. On 
this map, Santa Fe is represented as by far the most prominent 
place on the continent, if we can judge by the size of type in 
which its name appears. 

A few years after, De I'lsle's map, called Carte de Mexique ct 
de la Floride, published in 1703, continues to represent New Mex- 
ico and Florida as dividing the width of the continent between 



NEW MEXICO IN GENERAL 15 

them; but the dividing line is pushed much farther westward 
than by Sauerman, as it runs up the Rio Grande and an easterly 
branch, possibly intended for the Pecos. 

These three maps, printed before the existence of Louisiana, 
show how entirely indefinite the eastern boundary was ; in fact, 
the whole interior of the continent was occupied solely by In- 
dians, so that any claims to ownership were purely theoretical. 

Passing on more than half a century, we find a radical change 
made by the introduction of Louisiana. This is shown on 
Bonne's map of New Spain, published at Paris in 1771, where 
Florida occupies the eastern division, Louisiana includes the 
whole Mississippi Valley on both sides of the river, and New 
Mexico takes the remainder of the continent to the Pacific. The 
division line between New Mexico and Louisiana runs north- 
westerly from a point on the Gulf of Mexico at the mouth of the 
Sabine. It is noticeable that at that time, the Rio Grande is 
called the ' ' Riviere du Nord ou de Nouveau Mexique. ' ' 

The English maps of Eman Bowen, published before the mid- 
dle of the 18th century, show this same three-fold division. But 
the boundary between New Mexico and Louisiana is placed east 
of the Rio Grande ("North River") and the Pecos, and west of 
the Colorado River of Texas. 

Dutch and Italian maps of a somewhat later date, the former 
called Kaart van Nieuw MexiJw, 1774, and the latter, of Nuovo 
Messico, being published by Zatta, at Venice, in 1785, both give 
substantially the same boundarj'^ between Louisiana and New 
Mexico as on Bonne 's map ; and down to the time of the purchase 
of Louisiana by the United States, in 1803, the line was far from 
being so definitely established as to be beyond dispute. 

After the independence of Mexico, by the treaty of January 
12, 1828, between the two republics, the hundredth degree of 
longitude became the eastern boundary of New ]\Iexico, and the 
Nepesta or Arkansas River its limit on the north. 

To add to the confusion, Texas, when it declared its indepen- 
dence, claimed to own all the territory east of the Rio Grande ; a 
claim utterly without foundation, and absurd when it is re- 



16 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

membered that it would have taken Santa Fe, which during 
almost two and a half centuries had been the capital of New 
Mexico, out of the country of which it was the political centre; 
but, as will be seen hereafter, various efforts were made to en- 
force the claim. 

When General Kearny occupied Santa Fe, in August, 1846, he 
proclaimed that "as he had taken possession of Santa Fe, the 
Capital of the Department of New Mexico, he now announces liis 
intention to hold the Department, with its original boundaries, on 
both sides of the Del Norte, as a part of the United States, and 
under the name of the Territory of New Mexico." 

By the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, all of New Mexico was 
ceded to the United States, and on the final ratification of that 
treaty, on May 30, 1848, it became an integral part of the Ameri- 
can Republic. While its southern boundary was definitely fixed 
by the treaty, in other directions its extent was left indefinite; 
and this condition continued until the organization by Congress 
of the Territory of New Mexico, by the Act of September 9, 1850, 
with boundaries which appear as follows in the law: "Begin- 
ning at a point in the Colorado River where the boundary-line 
with the Republic of Mexico crosses the same ; thence eastwardly 
with that boundary-line to the Rio Grande ; thence following the 
main channel of the Rio Grande to the parallel of the thirty- 
second degree of north latitude ; thence east with that degree to 
its intersection with the one hundred and third degree of longi- 
tude west of Greenwich ; thence north with that degree of longi- 
tude to the parallel of thirty-eighth degree of north latitude ; 
thence west with said parallel to the summit of Sierra INIadre; 
tli^nce south with the crest of those mountains to the thirty- 
seventh parallel of north latitude; thence west with that parallel 
to its intersection with the boundary-line of the State of Cali- 
fornia; thence with such boundary-line to the place of begin- 
ning." 

At the same time, the northwesterly portion of what had here- 
tofore been New Mexico was made into the Territory of Utah. 

But New Mexico was to undergo many changes of area, both 
gains and losses, before it became a state, notwithstanding the 
language of the Act of 1850. 



NEW MEXICO IN GENERAL 17 

On December 30, 1853, the Gadsden Purchase treaty was 
signed, by which the United States bought from Mexico a long 
strip of territory, extending from the Rio Grande to the Gila, 
for ten million dollars ; and by Act of Congress of August 4, 1854, 
this was added to New Mexico. 

In 1859 the people of southern New Mexico, including the 
Mesilla Valley and the settlements in the vicinity of Tucson, ap- 
plied to Congress to form a new territory out of their section of 
New Mexico, to be called Arizona. No congressional action was 
taken, but the next legislature, by Act approved February 1, 1860, 
organized a county of Arizona consisting of all of Dofia Ana 
county west of "a point one mile distant eastwardly from the 
Overland Mail Station at Apache Caiion, " vnth its county seat at 
Tubac. In 1863, Congress established the Territory of Arizona, 
consisting of all of New Mexico west of the 109th meridian, and 
on December 29th of that year, the new territory was officially 
organized at Navajo Springs. 

This reduced the area of New Mexico almost one-half, and it 
was further curtailed a few years later, when, by the Act of Con- 
gress of March 2, 1867, all that portion of the territory north of 
the 37th parallel of latitude was attached to Colorado. This left 
it as it still exists, with an average width of 335 miles, a length 
on its eastern boundary of 345 miles, and on the western boundary 
of 390; and with a total area of 121,469 square miles. 

CAPITAL 

For fully three centuries the city of Santa Fe has been the 
capital of New Mexico. For seven years after the first coloniza- 
tion, from 1598-1605, the seat of the new government was at San 
Gabriel, at the junction of the Rio Grande and the Chama; but 
it was then removed to Santa Fe, wiiere it has ever since re- 
mained. 

Among all the capitals of the United States, Santa Fe stands 
unique. For antiquity and continuity it is the acknowledged 
head, counting many more years than Boston, which is its near- 
est rival. It is not only the oldest capital in the United States, 
but with one exception the oldest in all America ; and it antedates 



18 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

by many years the capitals of the two most powerful empires of 
continental Europe, Germany and Russia. 

POPULATION 

In the population of New Mexico, the increase for a long time 
was very slow, and the figures of the early enumerations may not 
be entirely exact. 

By a census of 1760, the Spanish population was then 7,666, 
and the Pueblo Indian 9,104. 

In 1793, the Spaniards had increased to 16,156 and the Indians 
were returned at 9,275. 

A census was taken by the Franciscan Fathers in 1796 which 
showed a population of 14,167 whites and 9,453 Indians. For 
some reason the city of Santa Fe is omitted in the enumerations 
made by the Franciscans and we should therefore add the popu- 
lation of the capital, which at that time was 3,795, to the number 
of Spaniards, making a total of 17,962. A similar census was 
taken only two years later, and of this Governor Chacon made an 
official report in 1799, showing a white population of 18,826, to^ 
gether with 9,732 Pueblo Indians. All of these figures are exclu- 
sive of the district of El Paso, although that was then included 
in New Mexico. 

Enumerations of population seem to have been frequent in 
those days, as another census was taken in 1805, the report of 
which was made by Governor Alencaster, under date of November 
20th, containing the following figures : Spaniards — male 10,390, 
female 10,236, total 20,626 ; Pueblo Indians — male 4,094, female 
4,078, total 8,182 ; grand total of population of 28,798. In all of 
these cases the wild tribes of Indians are excluded. The report 
of Governor Melgares in 1820 gives the Spanish population at 
28,436. In 1821, Father Rubi states the number of Puel)lo In- 
dians to be 9,034. 

The census reports under the Republic of Mexico made no dis- 
tinction of race, so that only the aggregate can be given : being 
43,433 in 1827, as reported by Narbona ; and 55,403 in 1840, as 
reported by Governor Armijo. 

Since the American occupation, the decennial census reports 



NEW MEXICO IN GENERAL 19 

give the following figures, shomng a steady and fairly rapid 
increase : 

1850 61,547 

1860 80,567 

1870 91,874 

1880 119,565 

1890 153,593 

1900 195,310 

1910 327,301 

The population by the last census, in 1910, is divided among 
the counties as they then existed as follows : 

Bernalillo 23,60& 

Chaves 16,850 

Colfax 16,460 

Curry 11,443 

Dona Ana 12,893 

Eddy 12,400 

Grant 14,813 

Guadalupe 10,927 

Lincoln 7,822 

Luna 3,913 

McKinley 12,963 

Mora 12,611 

Otero 7,069 

Quay 14,912 

Rio Arriba 16,624 

Roosevelt 12,064 

San Juan 8,504 

San Miguel 22,930 

Sandoval 8,579 

Santa Fe 14,770 

Sierra 3,536 

Socorro 14,761 

Taos 12,008 

Torrance 10,119 

Union *. 11,404 

Valencia 13,320 



CHAPTER II 

The Aborigines 

The history of New Mexico naturally falls into three great di- 
visions, representing not only distinct epochs, but diiferent na- 
tionalities and forms of civilization — the Aboriginal and Pueblo, 
the Spanish and Mexican, and the American. 

While these are absolutely distinct, yet it adds a special inter- 
est to present travel in the territory, that all three epochs are 
still represented by existing villages and people ; so the observer 
may in a single day visit an Indian pueblo exhibiting in un- 
changed form the customs of the intelligent natives of three and 
a half centuries ago ; a Mexican town, where the architecture, the 
language and the habits of the people differ in no material respect 
from those which were brought from Spain in the days of Colum- 
bus, Cortez, and Coronado : and an American city or village, full 
of the nervous energj'' and the well-known characteristics of mod- 
ern western life. 

In considering, firstly, the history of the prehistoric aborigines 
and of the Pueblo Indians, we have but few certain land-marks 
to serve as guides. They possessed no written records, and conse- 
quently we have to depend on their own traditions, often vague 
and uncertain, or on the narratives of the first Europeans who 
visited their country, for what may be known of the people, their 
lives, and their customs. Fortunately, these are sometimes sup- 
plemented by the histories and chronologies found among the 
Aztecs of Mexico, which no careful student can fail to connect 
with the peaceable, industrious, and thrifty people found living 
in cities of many-storied houses, in the nddst of the wild, savage, 
and nomadic tribes which occupied the mountains and the plains 
in every direction around them. 



THE ABORIGINES 21 

Before taking up the thread of written history, which begins 
with the arrival of the first Europeans, we must briefly consider 
the people who, for long centuries before, had inhabited the coun- 
try, and whose descendants still form one of the most interesting 
portions of its population. 

New Mexico was far from being a new or unknown, land when 
it was first seen by Spanish eyes. On the contrary, if the figures 
given by the narrators are to be taken as literally correct, it con- 
tained more people then than it does at the beginning of the 
twentieth century ; and whether this was true or not in the times 
of Coronado and Espejo, the vast number of ruins which are 
wide-spread over the territory, many of them in regions where 
now neither food nor water exists in a sufficient quantity to sus- 
tain a twentieth part of those who must have lived in the great 
buildings of the past, is evidence that at some period of the olden 
time — ■ just when we may never know — a vast multitude of 
human beings found their homes, and passed their lives, in the 
valleys and on the mesas of what is now New Mexico. 

Unfortunately for the historian, they possessed no written lan- 
guage, and no system of hieroglyphics to perpetuate the record of 
events. In an interesting and suggestive speech made by the 
governor of the Pueblo of Zuiii, in Santa Fe, on the first day of 
the great "Tertio-Millenial" historical pageant of 1883, his 
opening words were very significant, in this connection. He said : 
' ' The Great Spirit has given to his children of different races and 
colors various gifts ; all of great value, but each diverse from the 
other. To his white children he has given the gi'eat gift of hand- 
ing down knowledge from one generation to another by the means 
of marks or letters ; by which, centuries after they are inscribed, 
the new people may understand what is thus told them by those 
long passed away, of the deeds of their ancestors and the great 
events of by-gone days. To his red children he did not give this 
good gift. But he gave them another in its place. Of his father- 
ly affection and all-knowing care, he gave them Great Memories, 
of unfailing power; so that the story of the past, handed down 
from old to young, and by those young receivers, when in their 



22 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

turn grown old, repeated to the new youth that may arise, is 
carried down, unchanged and un-diminished, from generation to 
generation. ' ' 

There can be no doubt that a vast amount of legendary lore 
is thus orally transmitted ; being taught with utmost care, and 
jealousl}'- guarded from accidental change or the chance of loss 
through death, by being held by three men — a kind of three-fold 
chain — who communicate it, word for word, to their successors, 
and that thus it is carried, intact, like a Masonic ritual, from age 
to age. 

If the matter thus carefully transmitted was mainly historic, 
we might have a good substitute for the written book; but it is 
mostly mythological and ceremonial, and far too fanciful for 
prosaic historical use. No doubt historic facts are embedded in 
the traditions which are thus perjjetuated, but too obscurely to 
be of much value, except in rare instances. The intensely religi- 
ous nature of the Pueblo Indian, and his imaginative mind, bring 
the supernatural into such close relation with every action in life, 
that the events of history become mere incidents in the dealings of 
the higher powers with man and beast, and so are almost lost 
sight of in the superior importance of the mythology which en- 
velopes them. 

For the few facts that can be learned, therefore, of conditions 
that existed before the coming of the Spaniards, we have to de- 
pend most largely on what may be gleaned from the records which 
were preserved among the more cultivated people to the south, in 
the land of Montezuma. Without going into detail, a few leading 
facts are of interest. 

The people found by Cortez in the land then called Anahuac, 
and which is now the Republic of Mexico, had come thither by a 
succession of migrations, all of which were from the north and 
northwest. 

The first of these, of which there is any distinct knowledge, Avas 
that of the Toltecs. They are said to have left their original 
home in the far northwest, called Huehuetlapallan, in the year 
1 Teepatl, which Clavigero considers equivalent to the year 596 



THE ABORIGINES 23 

of our era. They traveled leisurely, remaining sonietinies for 
years in a locality which appeared to provide amply for their 
subsistence and suited their fancy and then marching rapidly for- 
ward, in the spirit of unrest which actuates all national migra- 
tions, until another favored spot attracted their attention and in- 
vited them again to rest. Thus they proceeded for somewhat over 
a century, until they arrived at a place in the great valley of Mex- 
ico, which they called Tollantzinco, about fifty miles east from 
the principal lake, and there they settled themselves and estab- 
lished their capital. A score of years later they moved a short 
distance to the westward and founded the city of Tula or Tollan, 
which continued as their central point and seat of government 
for centuries. 

The date of this migration is far from certain, but within 
moderate limits may be considered as established. Both Clav- 
igero and Gondra, who are acknowledged authorities, fix the date 
of the arrival of the Toltecs in Anahuac, as the year 648 ; but the 
former allows only fifty-two years as the period occupied by 
their migration, while Gondra gives the year 544 as that on which 
they left their original home. Precision in these dates, however, 
is not of especial importance to New Mexico, the essential point 
being that the migration is considered by all authorities to have 
passed through this territory. 

For five centuries the Toltecs controlled the land of their adop- 
tion, and they are believed to have been the architects of the 
great structures, the ruins of which have been the marvel of 
later generations in central and southern Mexico. Then, for rea- 
sons now impossible to ascertain — perhaps from famine or pesti- 
lence, perhaps from a recurrence of the spirit of restlessness and 
change — ^they disappeared towards the south; spreading over 
Yucatan and Central America, and leaving but a meagre rem- 
nant in the beautiful valley of Anahuac. 

The next migration was that of the Chichimecas, a rough and 
uncivilized people, who also came from the same direction in Ihe 
north, where we are told their old home was called Amaquemecan. 
They had heard of the land of plenty in the south, and marched 



THE ABORIGINES 25 

under Xolotl, the brother of their king, in searcli of its luxuriance 
and riches. Torquemada says that they originally lived in caves 
in the mountains, which tradition may be in some ways connected 
with the most ancient of tlie cliff and cave dwellings, whose re- 
mains still exist. The date of their arrival in Mexico is fixed by 
Clavigero at the year 1170. 

They were soon followed, only thirty years after, by th'e 
Acolhuans, an intelligent and ingenious people, who established 
themselves at Tescuco, on the eastern border of the great Mexi- 
can lake, where they were found by the Spaniards when Cortez 
arrived. 

About the same time, came the end of the long migration of 
the Aztecs, who settled not far from the last preceding comers. 
They also came from the northwest, from Aztlan, which Clav- 
igero asserts was a country ' ' situated to the north of the Gulf of 
California. ' ' The route of their migration has long been a favor- 
ite subject of study to the historian and the archasologist, and they 
have been aided to some extent by the discovery of a most interest- 
ing historical painting which hieroglyphically represents each of 
the places where the Aztecs sojourned for any considerable length 
of time, during their migration. This famous picture has been re- 
produced in many forms, but the original was painted on a sheet 
of maguey paper, thirty-three inches long by twenty-one in width, 
and gives a graphic illustration of the wanderings of these inter- 
esting people from their departure from Aztlan until they found 
a final resting place in Mexico. It begins with a representation 
of a flood, in which only one man and one woman are saved, and 
in which a dove is a prominent feature ; and then traces the 
journeyings of the people from "a place of magpies," tln-ough 
"a place of grottoes," "a place of the death's head," "the 
M'oody place of the eagle," "Chalco, the place of the precious 
stone," "the place of passage," "a whirl-pool where the river is 
swallowed," etc., to the final arrival at Chapultepec, "the hill of 
grasshoppers," where they arrived in the year 1245. 

According to the prevailing legend, they were to continue to 
journey until they should see an eagle perched upon a cactus, 



26 



HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 



holding a snake in its mouth ; and this sig"n, according to the 
story, was found near Chapultepec ; and the place thus providen- 
tially designated was instantly recognized, and established as 
their future abiding place and their capital. 

Here, again, the dates are somewhat uncertain: those of the 
commencement of tlie Aztec migration ranging, according to 











-^ffs 


'* 


.r-^^Hl 


.'»►' 


' '^1 


p - 


" 


I 


lM 









^^■^^ 



K'.^^^f^' 



RUINS OF CHUUCH AT TABIKA (GRAN QUJVIRA) 



different authore, from A. D. 1038 to A. D. 1170, and of their 
settlement in Mexico, from 1245 to 1325. 

Most of the authorities trace the route of their pilgrimage as 
passing through Arizona, so as to make the Casa Grande one of 
its places of sojourn ; but others think that their course was more 
easterly, and that many of the most remarkable ruins in New 



THE ABOEIGINES 



27 



Mexico are the results of their residence there. However this 
may be, there can be little or no doubt that the people whom 
Cabeza de Vaca, and Coronado, and Espejo, found at Zuiii, and 
Moqiii, and in the Rio Grande Valley, living in settled towns 
composed of substantial houses several stories in height, cultivat- 
ing the fields, raising cotton and corn, enjoying an excellent form 




PART OF CHURCH AT TABTRA (gRAN QUTVIRA) 



of government, and in all respects entirely different from the 
wild and nomadic tribes of the plains who surrounded them, were 
the remains of one or another of these great migrations. It was 
not unnatural, when, after years of sojourn in an especially at- 
tractive region, where they had made their homes and raised 
their families through at least the cycle of a generation, it was 



28 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

determined that the migration should continue and the people 
march away to unknown lands in the south, that a portion of the 
tribe, satisfied with their surroundings and averse to this deser- 
tion of their homes, should stay; while their more adventurous 
brethren proceeded on their way. 

This, we think, accounts for the presence in New Mexico of a 
native people, entirely different from any other which inhabited 
the United States. Their characteristics are so strong and per- 
sistent that even intimate acquaintance with the surrounding no- 
madic types did not alter their conservative and contented na- 
ture; and three centuries of connection with European civiliza- 
tion has made scarcely a change in their habits and customs since 
they were first seen and described by Castaneda and Espejo. 
This result is interesting as well as instructive, for notwithstand- 
ing the march of the centuries, we can see with our own eyes an 
almost unchanged representation of the intelligent, just, and 
peaceful New Mexican of the time of Coronado, in the Pueblo 
Indian of today. 

The ruins, which exist in such great numbers throughout New 
Mexico, still present an unsolved problem so far as their origin 
is concerned. Many of them, no doubt, are the remains of build- 
ings deserted or abandoned within the historic period, and sim- 
ilar to Pueblo Indian edifices which still exist and are in actual 
occupation. But there are others, so much more extensive and of 
such superior construction, that they point to builders of far 
greater mechanical skill and knowledge. Such are the remark- 
able structures which extend for miles along the Chaco Carion, 
and some of which are found in the San Juan country. 

So far as stone structures are concerned, however, there is a 
remarkable similarity between many of those which were un- 
doubtedly destroyed before the coming of the Spaniards, and 
others which were built as churches early in the 17th century, as 
at Pecos, Abo, Cuara, and Tabira. The massive walls, built of 
comparatively small, thin stones, seem to indicate a type unknown 
elsewhere, but which continues, practically unchanged, from pre- 
historic times to the existing, era. A few photographs, showing 



THE ABORIGINES 29 

the walls of churches built by the Indians under Franciscan di- 
rection, east of the Rio Grande, in the first half of the 17th cen- 
tury, are reproduced in order to illustrate this idea. 

Again, the pottery which abounds in certain localities, and 
notably in western Socorro county, is not only different from 
that produced in the Pueblo towns during the historic period 
but is very superior in its ornamentation; and the mummies of 
southwestern Colorado must be considered as representing a dis- 
tinct people. 

All this presents a most interesting field for research, but it 
is beyond the purpose of this work ; and we therefore content our- 
salves mth the suggestion that these differences may simply be 
representative of the successive migrations which age after age 
brought new and distinct peoples to inhabit our valleys or build 
upon our mesas, each perhaps in turn leaving a remnant to keep 
up the continuity of human occupation until the arrival of the 
next wave of immigration. 



CHAPTER III 

The Piiehlo Indians 

Turning now, from the aborigines, as they existed before the 
European discovery, where much is conjecture and uncertain 
tradition, we come to the native people of New Mexico as they 
have existed in what we may term historic times. 

The earliest views we have of them are not continuous, but 
rather like the glimpses of a landscape by flashes of lightning in 
the darkness of the night. We have a momentary view as Mar- 
cos de Niza saw from afar the terraced houses and the busy peo- 
ple of Cibola, in 1539. Two years pass, and the historians of 
Coronado's expedition give us the first intelligent account of the 
people and the extent of their territory, though naturally from 
the point of view of the soldier, as they appeared in 1541-42. 
Then over a generation passes by before we have another glimpse, 
and the record from the pen of Espejo — the first narrator who 
was interested in the home life and the religion of the people. 
That was in 1583 ; and then again there is silence and darkness 
for fifteen years, until Oilate comes with permanent colonization 
in 1598, and the Indians become known to us as other nations are. 

The brave captains of Coronado's army penetrated westward 
to the Caiion of the Colorado, northward to Taos, eastward far 
across the great plains, and southward to the towns below Isleta ; 
Espejo covered the same ground, as well as the lower Rio Grande 
valley, with greater care and patience of research; Ouate learned 
to know the people, not as an invader or a traveler, but as a 
neighbor and co-worker. So, from the narrations of the three, 
we can gain a very fair idea of the native New Mexicans as they 
existed before changed by foreign influence. 

In the time of Coronado's expedition, according to the list 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS 



31 



given by Castaneda, he had knowledge of seventy-one towns or 
pueblos, which he designates as follows : Cibola, 7 ; Tusayan, 7 ; 
Acuco, 1 ; Tihiiex, 12 ; Tiitahaco, 8 ; Quirix, 7 ; Snowy Mountains, 
7 ; Ximena, 3 ; Cicuye, 1 ; Jemez, 7 ; Aguas Calientes, 3 ; Yuque- 
yunque, 6 ; Valladolid, called Braba, 1 ; Chia, 1. 




STONE LIONS OF COG HIT! — GROUND PLAN 



Espejo, in Ms description of the country, forty years after- 
ward, reports about the same number, though somewhat differ- 
ently arranged. His list contains the following: On the Rio 
Grande below Albuquerque, 10; Tihuas, 16; province east of Rio 



32 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Grande, 11; Quires, 5; Cunames (Zia, etc), 5; Amies or Amejes 
(Jemez), 7; Aeoma, 1; Cibola, 6; II abates, 5; Tamos, 3; besides 
some refen-ed to but without exact names or numbers. 

After the colonization by Oiiate we have a multitude of names, 
some of wliich are confusing, because the name of the same saint 
in certain cases is g-iven to different towns at different times. 
Quite soon, however, the names begin to appear more in their 
modern form ; and we can conclude that the number of towns 
or pueblos was about the same as enumerated in the days of 
Coronado and Espejo, that is to say from 70 to 75. 

Today there exist but 19 in all, 18 in the Valley of the Rio 
Grande and its tributaries, and one at Zuiii; thus showing a 
great diminution in number since the advent of the Europeans. 
This can be accounted for in various ways. In the first place it 
was the policy of the Spanish government, after the occupation 
of the country, to consolidate the Indian population in a com- 
paratively small number of villages or pueblos, for various rea- 
sons, both political and religious. By this means they Avere the 
more easily watched and controlled, and at the same time, by 
grouping them around a mission church in each community, the 
prospect for proselyting was improved. Then came the revolu- 
tion of 1680, and the extraordinary reduction in the Indian num- 
bers and power during the brief period of their control. Mutual 
jealousies and the struggle for subsistence wliich followed suc- 
cessive failures of crops, caused almost constant wars, wliich re- 
sulted in the destruction or abandonment of many of the pueblos. 
We have an exact list in the record of the re-conquest and subse- 
quent reconstruction of the country, and it differs very little 
from that which exists to-day. An official list, made by Gov- 
ernor Mendoza in 1742, gives the names as follows, exclusive of 
the Moquis : 

"Taos, Picuries, San Juan, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, Po- 
juaque, Nambe, and Tesuque, north of Santa Fe ; Pecos east, and 
Galisteo south of Santa Fe; Cochiti, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, 
Santa Ana, Zia, Jemez, Laguna, A coma, Zufii, and Isleta, south 
or west of Santa Fe. ' ' 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS 33 

In 1796 and 1798 the Franeisean priests in charge made re- 
ports of the Indian population, in which the list of pueblos is 
exactly similar to the above, except that Galisteo is dropped, and 
Sandia, Abiquiu, and Belen appear for the firet time. These 




ST(>NK LIONy OP COCHITI 



are proper changes, as Galisteo liad been abandoned in the mean- 
time and the inhabitants had retired to Santo Domingo, where 
many of them had married; and Sandia had been established. 
As this is the only instance of the establishment of a new pueblo 



34 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

in modern times, the history of the movement is worthy our 
attention. In 1748, Friar Menchero, the commissary gen- 
eral, who had been engaged in missionary work for six 
years, wrote to the governor stating that he had ''converted 
and gained over 350 souls from here to the Puerco River, which 
I have brought from the Moqui pueblos; bringing with me the 
cacique of these Moqui pueblos for the purpose of establishing 
their pueblo at the place called Sandia, ' ' and he asked for posses- 
sion of the land at that point, "so as to prevent any converts 
from returning to apostacy. ' ' Thereupon, the governor acceded 
to the request, and the new pueblo was established in due form 
by the name of "Our Lady of Sorrows and Saint Anthony of 
Sandia. ' ' 

At Abiquiu and Belen, the Indians were mingled with a con- 
siderable Spanish population, but the old buildings on the lull 
at the former place are called to this day "The Pueblo" by the 
people in the vicinity. As the Indians at those two points did 
not receive grants of land from the Spanish government, and 
kept up no regular organization, they are sometimes included 
and sometimes omitted in the enumeration of the pueblos. The 
Indian population as returned by those two reports was 9,453 in 
1796, and 9,732 in 1798. 

A few years later, in 1805, Governor Alencaster caused a com- 
plete census to be made of the province, which resulted in show- 
ing a Spanish population of 26,805, and 8,172 Pueblo Indians. 
As this is probably the most accurate that had been obtained 
and contains the full mission names of the respective pueblos, we 
insert it in full, as it is both useful and interesting as a basis 
of comparison with later enumerations : 

San Geronimo de Taos 508 

San Lorenzo de Picuries 250 

San Juan de los Caballeros 194 

Santo Tomas de Abiquiu 1 34 

Santa Clara 386 

San Ildefonso 1 75 

San Francisco de Nambe 143 

N, S. de Guadalupe de Po.juaque 100 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS 35 

San Diego de Tesiique 131 

N. S. de los Angeles de Pecos 104 

San Buena Ventura de Cochiti 656 

Santo Domingo 333 

San Felipe 289 

N. S. de los Dolores de Sandia 314 

San Diego de Jemez 264 

N. S. de la Asumpcion de Zia 254 

Santa Ana 450 

San Agustin del Isleta 419 

N. S. de Belen 107 

San Estevan de Acoma 731 

San Josef de La Laguna 940 

N. S. de Guadalupe de Zuni 1470 

From the names of the patron saints to whom the Indian towns 
were dedicated by the Spanish authorities can also be ascertained 
the festival day of each of the pueblos mentioned. 

The first report by an American official — that of Lieutenant 
Wliipple, U. S. A. — • contains the same list, with the addition of 
Cuyamangue and Chilili ; but as both of those pueblos ceased to 
exist more than a century and a half before, during the revolu- 
tion of 1680-93, their insertion was a mistake. 

The only changes which have taken place in the hundred years 
since Governor Alencaster's census have been in the dropping of 
Abiquiu and Belen as distinct pueblos, and in the abandonment 
of the pueblo of Pecos, in the year 1840, and the removal of its 
surviving inhabitants to Jemez. The population of Pecos had been 
reduced by wars with the wild tribes of the plains, and by de- 
structive contagious diseases, until only fourteen persons re- 
mained, and it was determined to abandon their old home and 
migrate to the pueblo of Jemez, where the people were of the 
same family and spoke the same language. This was accord- 
ingly done, the people carrying with them their most cherished 
possessions; and they were received and welcomed as members 
of the Jemez pueblo, and have since enjoyed all the rights of 
Indians born there, including that of holding office, one or more 
of the Pecos Indians having been elected to tlie position of gov- 
ernor of Jemez. 



36 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

The census taken by the United States authorities in 1900 
shows the population to be as stated below, and it will be ob- 
served that while there are considerable gains or losses in par- 
ticular pueblos, yet, in the aggregate, the Indian population has 
continued almost the same during the past century. It would 
have increased considerably since the days of warfare have 
ceased if it had not been for destructive diseases among the 
children, such as small-pox and diphtheria, wliich have desolated 
whole villages in a few weeks. With the medical care and ap- 
pliances now afforded to them, there has been quite an appreci- 
able increase in the population since this census was taken. 

The figures are as follows: 

Taos 419 

Picuris 98 

San Juau 465 

Santa Clara 223 

San Ildefonso 1 37 

Nambe 81 

Pojuaque 12 

Tesuque 80 

Cochiti 295 

Santo Domingo 772 

San Felipe 516 

Sandia 86 

Jemez 455 

Zia 116 

Santa Ana 228 

Isleta 1050 

Acoma 492 

Laguna 1077 

Zuiii 1525 

8127 

The grants of land to the different Pueblo communities were 
made after the revolution of 1680, and wliile the Spaniards were 
still at El Paso, awaiting the re-conquest and occupation of the 
province. This action seems to have been taken as a measure 
of conciliation by Governor Cruzate, in view of his contemplated 
re-entrance into New Mexico. In each case the testimony was 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS 37 

taken of an Indian named Bartolonie de Ojeda, as to the present 
condition and loyalty of the Pueblos; and thereupon the grant 
was made. As an illustration of the methods of the day, the 
following brief record of the proceedings in the case of Picuris 




PUEBLO INDIAN IDOLS 



is inserted, all of the othei'S being similar, with slight differences 
in the testimony to conform to the circumstances of each case. 

"1689. — In the town of Our Lady of Guadalupe del Passo del 
Rio del Norte, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of Septem- 



38 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

ber, in the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-nine, his 
excellency Don Domingo Jironza Petroz de Cruzate, governor 
and captain general, stated that, whereas, in overtaking the 
Queres Indians, and the Apostates, and the Teguas, and those 
of the Thanos nation, in the kingdom of New Mexico, and hav- 
ing fought vrith all the Indians of all the other pueblos, an In- 
dian named Bartolome de Ojeda, of the Pueblo of Zia, who was 
most conspicuous in the battle, lending his aid everywhere, being 
wounded by a ball and an arrow, surrendered ; and, as previously 
stated, I ordered him to declare, under oath, the condition of 
the pueblo of Picuris, (very rebellious Indians), who apostatized 
and took part in the wars of that kingdom of New Mexico. 

"Being interrogated if this pueblo would rebel again at any 
future time, as it had been customary for them to do, the depon- 
ent answered, No ; that, although it was true they were connected 
with those of Zia in what had taken place in the year previous, 
he judged it was impossible for them to fail hereafter in giving 
their allegiance. 

"Therefore his excellency, Don Domingo Jironza Petroz de 
Cruzate, governor and captain general, granted the boundaries 
herein set forth : on the north one league, and on the east one 
league, and on the west one leagiie, and on the south one league ; 
these four lines to be measured from the four corners of the 
temple situated on the western side of the pueblo, and his excel- 
lency so provided, ordered and signed before me, the present 
secretary of government and war, to which I certify. 

"Don Domingo Jironza Petroz De Cruzate. 
"Before me, Don Pedro Ladron De Guitara, 

' ' Secretary of Government and War. ' ' 

The only notable difference in the form of the grant is in the 
case of Cochiti, where the area seems to have been somewhat cur- 
tailed, and which ends with the suggestive words ' ' this they owe 
to being rebels." These grants have all since been confirmed 
by the government of the United States, so that each pueblo has 
an absolute title to its land. 

Turning now to the customs and manner of life of the Pueblo 
Indians, we have descriptions from Castaneda and Espejo, and 
many particulars in the Epic of Villagra, and from other records 
of the early occupations ; and all of these agree as well as can be 
expected of observations made by men of different tastes and 
temperaments, who are describing matters that are novel to them,. 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS 39 

and of which they may only make mention of tlie points which 
to their minds were most conspicuous and remarkable. 

Castaneda gives us quite full descriptions of the towns and 



PUEBLO INDIAN IDOLS 

people of Cibola, Tihuex, and Cicuic, the substance of which may 
be summed up as follows : 

' ' The towns are built in a square, around a plaza in the centre, 
in which are the estufas. The houses are four stories high; the 
roofs arranged in terraces, all the same height, so that the people 
can make a tour of the whole town without having to cross a 



40 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

single street. To the first two stories there is a corridor ia tlie 
form of a balcony, which also passes completely around the town 
and wliich affords a pleasant place to sit in the shade. The 
houses have no doors below, but are entered by movable ladders, 
which reach to the lialconies on the inside of the square. 

' ' The houses are built in connnon. The women mix the mortar 
and build the walls. The men bring the wood and construct the 
frames. They have no lime, but they make a mixture of ashes, 
earth and charcoal, which takes its place very well ; for although 
the houses are so high, the walls are not more than three feet 
thick. 

' ' The young men who are not yet married serve the public in 
general. They go after fire-wood, and pile it up in the court or 
plaza, where the women go to get it for the use of their houses. 
They live in the estufas, which are under-ground in the plazas of 
the town; and of which some are square and some are round. 
The roofs of the estufas are supported by pillars made of the 
trunks of pine trees. I have seen some with twelve pillars, each 
twelve feet in circumference; but usually they have only four. 
They are paved with large polished stones, like the baths in 
Europe. In the centre is a fire-place, with a fire burning therein, 
on which they throw from time to time a handful of sage, which 
suffices to keep up the heat. The roof is on a level with the 
ground. Some of these estufas are as large as a tennis court. 
When a young man marries, it is by order of the aged men w^ho 
govern. He has to spin and weave a mantle ; they then bring the 
young girl to him, he covers her shoulders with it and she be- 
comes his wife. The houses belong to the women, and the estufas 
to the men. The women are forbidden to sleep in the latter, or 
even to enter them except to bring food to their husliands or 
sons. The men spin and weave ; the women take care of the chil- 
dren and cook the food. 

' ' Their villages are very neat ; the houses are well arranged 
and kept in good order ; one room is devoted to cooking and an- 
other to grinding grain. Tlie latter is apart, and contains a fire- 
place and three stones set in masonry ; three women sit down 
before the stones ; the first l)reaks the grain, the second crushes 
it, and the third grinds it entirely to powder. In all the province 
glazed pottery abounds and the earthen jars or vessels are of 
curious and beautiful form and workmanship. 

"The soil is so fertile that it does not need to be worked when 
they sow; the snow, falling, covers the seed and the corn starts 
underneath. The harvest of one vear is sufticient for seven. 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS 



41 



A¥hen they begin to sow, the fields are still covered with corn 
that has not yet been gathered. ' ' 

These descriptions accord very well with what we know of the 
Pueblo Indians from later experience, with the exception of the 




PUEBLO INDIAN IDOLS 



last sentences, in relation to the crops, which seem to be rather 
extravagant; but it may be remembered that the spring which 
Coronado passed in the Rio Grande Valley was an exceedingly 
late one, so that it is very possible that snows occurred after the 
planting of the corn. 



42 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Passing now to the time of Espejo, his descriptions agree very 
well with those we have just quoted, although he draws atten- 
tion to various matters not spoken of by the former narrators. 
He tells us that the houses were four stories in height and well- 
constnicted and the people much more civilized than those living 
to the south. They wore clothing of cotton and of deer-skin, 
and, what was the cause of much surprise to the Spaniards, boots 
and shoes, with soles made of the strongest and best leather. 
They raised great quantities of cotton, from which many of their 
garments were made; and the beautiful and curious mantles, 
which he found especially common at Zia, were equal if not su- 
perior to anything of European manufacture. He also speaks of 
the ornamentation of the houses in Zia, these being the most 
beautiful the Spaniards had seen among similar native races, well- 
plastered, and painted in many colors. He makes special mention 
of the idols or household gods of the people, which he seems to 
have found in all of the localities he visited. He speaks of them 
first in connection with the pueblos he visited in the vicinity of 
Socorro and says : "A great number of idols, which the Indians 
worship, are found here ; and in every house there is an oratory 
arranged for the demon, to which food is carried for liim to eat. 
As the Spaniards place crosses along the sides of roads, these 
Indians erect chapels in which they say that the demon rests him- 
self when he travels from one place to another through the coun- 
try. These chapels are all handsomely decorated and orna- 
mented." On his first expedition into the mountainous country 
toward the eastward, he writes, "here also we saw idols, which 
the Indians worship ;" and in his description of the people of the 
Queres nation, north of Puara, he says, "and they all worship 
the idols in the manner of their neighbors. ' ' In the general de- 
scription of the country it is said: "In the pueblos of all the 
Indians were seen a multitude of idols. ' ' 

His attention was attracted by the great amount of food 
stored up to be used in time of need, and the "infinity of hens" 
found in various parts of the country is referred to several times. 
Referring to their arms, he says that they had very strong bows, 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS 43 

and arrows with points of flint, with which they were able to 
pierce a coat of mail without difficulty; and he speaks of the 
macanas, — which may be called the characteristic weapons of 
the Pueblo Indians, — as being half a yard in length and covered 




PUEBLO INDIAN IDOLS 



with sharp points of flint, with which they could with ease cut a 
man in two ; and he also tells us that they had shields and buck- 
lers made of buffalo hide and of great strength. 

The descriptions of Benavides, written nearly half a century 



44 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

later, in 1526, are valuable and interesting, as they are the result 
of long experience among the people after the Spanish occupa- 
tion. 

As to the success of agriculture his language is scarcely less 
enthusiastic than that of Castafieda. After enumerating almost 
every variety of vegetable as among the regular products, and 
referring to the apricots, peaches, plums, and nuts that abound- 
ed, he adds: ''And the earth is so productive that they reap 
from 120 to 130 fanegas for each fanega of wheat that is sown ; 
and they gather excellent crops from the seed which has fallen 
in the preceding year, without any other attention than a little 
watering. ' ' 

In those days the streams were full of fish, of which he enu- 
merates no less than eight varieties, and adds, "and many 
others;" and the plains and forests abounded in game. 

He speaks of the curious division of labor which seems to have 
been characteristic of the Pueblos at all times: ''Among these 
nations, the custom is for the women to build the walls of the 
houses, while the men spin and weave, and go to war and the 
chase," referring to this fact in connection with the large num- 
ber of churches that had been erected, "which have been built 
entirely by the women and the boys and girls." 

As to dress, he says, "all the people are clothed in mantas of 
cotton or of skin; and they wear ornaments as far as they are 
able, particularly necklaces and earrings of turquoise. The 
women are modestly dressed in their mantas of cotton, colored 
and with borders." 

On another subject he says : "All these nations in their pagan 
condition were divided into two parties, the warriors and the 
priests or enchanters (hechiceros), the former trying to reduce 
all the people to obedience to themselves, and the latter to have 
them beileve that they could bring rain and insure good crops ; 
and so these two parties were continually in opposition. Their 
religion, though not a formal idolatry, was almost the same, for 
in everything that they did they made offerings of meal and 
other things." 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS 45 

In almost all respects these descriptions, written by the earliest 
observers, agree with the habits and customs of the Pneblo In- 
dians of to-day. Few races have been more changeless in such 
matters. The modifications most noticeable are the results of 
altered conditions which rendered the old system obsolete. 

For instance, the style of architecture of their buildings, the 
terraced form, the lack of doors in the lower story and the plan 
of entrance by ladders which could easily be drawn up so as to 
remove the only method of ingress, were for purposes of defense 
from the attacks of marauding tribes. To a people without ar- 
tillery of any kind such a building was almost impregnable. But 
with the American annexation and the security from danger 
which has followed, the necessity for this style of Ijuilding has 
ceased ; and so, gradually, we find that doors are being cut in the 
older buildings and that the new houses are but one story high. 
A good illustration of this is seen in Santo Domingo, wliere the 
encroachments of the river have resulted in the gradual engulf- 
ing of more than half of the old pueblo, including its massive 
church. As the old houses are thus sunk into the Rio Grande, the 
new ones built to the eastward to take their places are in the 
modem form, and thus the two sides of the town present an in- 
teresting contrast of old and new. 

But apart from a few sucli variations caused by changed con- 
ditions, the Pueblo Indian of to-day is the same as the Pueblo 
Indian of Castaiieda's description. Conservatism is a law of 
his being, and no changes are made which are not forced by ne- 
cessity or some very manifest advantage. 

In many respects the old system is so good that there is nothing 
to be gained by the substitution of the methods of Europe or 
modern America. For example, the system of government, while 
it might not be successful in large communities, is better in its 
results in the village life of these people than anything that could 
be borrowed from their neighbors. The admirable way in which 
all the details of life are supervised by those in authority, the 
excellent influence of the old over the young, the hal)its of dis- 
cipline and self-control which are inculcated, are all too good to 



46 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

call for any change, or at least for the substitution of the looser 
and less effective methods of the more civilized people around 
them. The wonderfully business-like way in which all the public 
and communal business of the town is conducted, and the readi- 
ness with which the entire energy and united force of the com- 
munity can be directed in a moment to any work or enterprise of 
general public concern, are matters of surprise and admiration 
to those not accustomed to thera. 

But whether for good or for evil, the fact is clear that no people 
on the globe has changed less in three centuries than the Pueblo 
Indians; so that a description in the end of the sixteenth centurj^ 
is almost entirely correct for the beginning of the twentieth. 

Some mention must be made of the peculiarity of their lan- 
guages, and of the distinction which exists between the various 
groups of pueblos and gives rise to that peculiarity. 

The Pueblo Indians, though similar in almost all respects, yet 
were, and are, distinctly divided into several great families, or 
"nations," as the older \\Titers call them. The term "Pueblo'- 
Indian is comparatively modern, being used to designate all of the 
"town" Indians as distinguished from the wild tribes who had 
no permanent villages; but in the earlier records the particular 
"nacion" is alwaj^s mentioned. Sometimes the division is made 
broadly into a comparatively few groups, and by other writers 
minor distinctions are noted. The leading groups of nations were 
the Tehuas, Queres, Tanos, Tihuas, Piros, and Tompiros. Sev- 
eral of the groups of the greatest importance at the time of the 
Spanish occupation were practically destroyed during the twelve 
years of the Revolution, or have gradually dwindled into unim- 
portance. Among these are the Piros, Tanos, and Tompiros. 

One of the most careful descriptions that we have of the dif- 
ferent nations is that of Padre Fray Alonzo de Benavides, above 
referred to, who was Commissary of the Holy Office and Custo- 
dian of the Franciscans for the Province of New Mexico, and 
made a very full and interesting report of the condition of the 
country and people in 1626. He described the various divisions 
of the Pueblo Indians as follows : 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS 47 

''1. PIROS. 

"On the Rio Grande, with Senecu, Socorro and Sevilleta as 
their principal points, each with smaller villages around it. 

"2. TIHUAS. 

"With fifteen or sixteen pueblos and seven thousand people. 
They had two 'conventos,' one at Sandia and one at Isleta, in 
both of which, he tells us, are schools of reading and writing 
where they also learned to sing and to play various instruments. 

"3. QUERES. 

""With seven pueblos, of which San Felipe was the first. Among 
the seven towns, three had ' conventos. ' 

"4. TOMPIROS. 

"East of the river, with fourteen or fifteen pueblos, six con- 
ventos and eleven thousand souls. This nation included all the 
Salt Lake region, and had Abo and Tabira as two of its principal 
towns. Quarra or Cuara is mentioned as containing 600 Queres 
Indians, who spoke the Piro language. 

"5. TANOS. 

"To the north of the Tompiros, having five pueblos with 4,000 
inhabitants. These were the Galisteo towns, including San Mar- 
cos, San Lazaro, etc. 

"6. PECOS. 

"Benavides says that the Indians of Pecos belonged to the 
Jemez nation, but being situated alone, they are considered sepa- 
rately, though they speak the Jemez language. 

"7. TEHUAS. 

"Westward again, towards the Rio Grande, are the TEHUAS, 
with eight pueblos and 6,000 persons. They had conventos, of 
which the most important was that of San Ildefonso. 

"8. JEMEZ. 

"Though half-depopulated by famine and war, yet it con- 
tained 3,000 people. 

"9. PICURIS. 

"With 2,000 inhabitants. It belongs to the Tihua family but 
is disconnected and distant. 

"10. TAOS. 

"With 2,500 people. Of the same national stock as Picuris, 
but with a slight variation of language. 

■' ' 11. ACOMA, on its ' Peiiol, ' with about 2,000 souls. 

"12. ZUnL 

"With 11 or 12 pueblos, and 10,000 inhabitants." 

Coming down to recent times, and the comparatively small 



48 



PIISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 



number of pueblos that still exist, the groups are much sim- 
plified. 

Of the Piros and Tompiros none remain. 

Of the Tihuas, in the region where they were so numerous in 
the time of Coronado, only Isleta and Sandia still exist; with 
Taos and Picuris in the north. 

Of the Queres, we have Santa Ana, Cia, San Felipe, Cochiti, 
Santo Domingo, Laguna, and Acoma. 

Of the Tehuas, we have San Juan, Santa Clara, Nambe, San 
Ildefonso, Pojuaque, and Tesuque. 

Jemez, including the Pecos Indians, has some similarity to the 
Tanos ; but the two pueblos of Jemez and Pecos are rather to be 
considered as forming a group by themselves, and now consoli- 
dated into one town. 

Zuiai is now reduced to a single village. 

This is the division as recognized by Lieutenant Simpson, in 
his report, which was the first American authority on the subject. 
He was especially struck with the essential difference between 
the languages of the various families or nations ; they not being 
dialects of the same tongue, but entirely distinct languages with 
apparently no conunon root. A few illustrations are given to 
show the extent of this difference : and it will be observed that, 
while in the Tehuan language most of the words are very short, 
and those of the Queres are not much longer, the words of similar 
meaning in the Tanos language or that of Zuiii are composed of 
numerous syllables. The words selected are the names of some 
of the most common objects, and are given in the spelling used by 
Lieutenant Simpson, which represents the sounds by the ordinary 
pronunciation of the letters in English. 



English 


Tehua 


Queres 


Zuni 


Earth 


Nah 


Hah-ats 


Ou-lok-nan-nay 


Man 


Say-en 


Hat-see 


Oat-se 


Head 


Pum-bah 


Nash-can-ne 


0-shuck-quin-nay 


Bye 


Chay 


Kan-nah 


Too-nah-way 


Foot 


Ah 


Kar-tay 


Wake-que-a-way 



One peculiarity, difficult to account for, is that the distribution 



50 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

of these different families and languages is not geographical ; the 
groups are not compactly arranged in different sections of the 
country, but over-lap one another. Thus the languages of Taos 
and Picuris in the north, and of Isleta in the south are similar, 
but between them are all of the Tehua and Queres pueblos of the 
Rio Grande Valley. Again, the people of Pecos were identical 
with those of Jemez ; but they were separated by all of the Tanos 
villages along the Galisteo, and by the Queres pueblos like Santo 
Domingo and Cochiti. 

The result of the entire difference in the languages of the 
various groups or families of Pueblo Indians, and of the facility 
with which nearly all of them have acquired Spanish, is that if a 
native of Taos meets one of Santa Clara, or if a party from San 
Juan visits the great annual festival at Santo Domingo, they 
have to use the language of Castile for their conversation, instead 
of the original tongue of any of their people. 

After the Spanish occupation the affairs of tlie Pueblo Indians 
are naturally included in the general history of the countrj^. 
Down to the time of the revolution of 1680 it will be found that 
they were almost always restless, frequently conspiring to drive 
out the invaders, and often rising in actual revolt in one pueblo 
or another, or with something of concerted effort. The spirit of 
independence, which had kept them free from the domination of 
surrounding tribes, and their remembrance of the excellent local 
government they had enjoyed before the conquest, naturally pre- 
vented a contented submission to laws and customs which were 
foreign to their ideas, and often enforced with unnecessary rigor. 

But the dozen years of independence, from 1680 to the re-con- 
quest by De Vargas, wrought a great change. Under the Spanish 
domination they had apparently lost the capacity for self-govern- 
ment. Jealousy and dissension reigned supreme ; and when the 
Spanish expeditions under Cruzate and others penetrated the 
country, the Pueblos always suffered from divided councils. Some 
were ready to submit, while others were prepared to fight ; and 
after each of these invasions, unsuccessful as they were, new con- 
tentions arose among the Indians on account of these differences. 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS 51 

Thus we find the Queres and the Tehuas uniting to punish, and 
in reality almost destroying, the Tanos and Tihuas, who, in their 
belief, had heen too friendly to the Spaniards during one of the 
entradas. 

After the final re-conquest under De Vargas, we hear no more 
of Pueblo uprisings or conspiracies. From that time there were 
almost constant Indian hostilities, but they were with the 
Apaches, the Comanches, and the Utes — the nomadic tribes of 
the desert and the great plains — and in all of these, the Span- 
iards and the Pueblo Indians fought side by side against the in- 
vaders. Their interests were in common, and they always labored 
and fought in unison. In the attempted revolution of 1837, many 
Pueblo Indians took part, but all they did was in conjunction 
with their Caucasian neighbors, and as a part of the general 
population of New Mexico. Again, in the Taos revolt, som.e of 
the Indians from the northern pueblos took an active part; but 
they marched and fought and retreated and were slain by the 
side of their white brethren, who liad risen to drive the strangers 
from their soil. 

So, for the last two hundred j^ears and more, we may say that 
they have had no separate history, and whatever affected them 
will be found in the general consideration of the events of the 
successive epochs. 



CHAPTER IV 

Caheza De Vaca 

The name of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca will always be mem- 
orable in New Mexican history, as that of the first European 
who ever set foot upon her soil. Strangely enough, he did not 
come from the Spanish settlements on the lower Rio Grande, nor 
even from the more distant outposts of European civilization 
near the Gulf of California ; but from the eastward, after a long 
and tedious journey across a great part of the continent. Nor 
did he come with any intention to visit the country, either as a 
conqueror, a missionary, or an explorer, but by a series of acci- 
dents which led him through this region while endeavoring, after 
long years of wanderings and suffering, to reach some Spanish 
settlement, where he could again see the faces and hear the lan- 
guage of his countrymen. 

The story of his long and perilous journey is one of the most 
interesting in early American history, and well illustrates the 
uncertainties and dangers which characterized the first attempts 
at exploration. 

Cabeza de Yaca had been appointed treasurer of an important 
expedition undertaken by Panphilo de Narva ez for the conquest 
and colonization of what was then called Florida, being the whole 
of the country bordering on the Gulf of Mexico, from Key West 
to the Rio de las Palmas in the Mexican state of Tamaulipas, and 
including all of what now constitutes West Florida, Alabama, 
Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and part of Mexico. 

Narvaez obtained from the King of Spain authority to colonize 
this entire region, of which he was made governor, captain gen- 
eral, and adelantado, on condition that he should take.no less 
than two hundred colonists from Spain and found at least two 



CAEEZA DE VACA 53 

towns, all at his own cost; and he started from San Luear de 
Barrameda, in Spain, on the 17th of June, 1527, with five vessels 
and about 600 men. 

But from its very commencement ill fortune attended the ex- 
pedition. At Santo Domingo, where it stopped for horses and 
provisions, no less than 140 men deserted in order to try their 
fortune on the luxuriant shores of the island. When sailing to 
Cuba, two of the vessels were destroyed by a tremendous hurri- 
cane, the force of the storm being so great that a small boat be- 
longing to one of the ships was found in the branches of a tree 
a long distance from the coast; and Cabeza de Vaca, who com- 
manded one of the vessels thus wrecked, only escaped through 
his good fortune in being on shore at the time. Afraid to proceed 
further, Narvaez wintered on the island, but when he again set 
sail in the spring continual tempests marked his progress. He 
had expected to stop off at Havana, but adverse winds drove his 
little fleet to the northwest, and on April 12, 1528, they came in 
sight of land near what is now called Tampa Bay in Florida. 

Here they landed on the next day, near to an Indian village, 
but found all of the houses deserted, the inhabitants ha^dng fled 
in the night. These houses were called ' ' buhios, ' ' and had double- 
shedded roofs ; and one, which was probably used for tribal meet- 
ings, was so large as to be capable of accommodating 800 persons. 
On the 14th, the governor raised the Spanish standard and form- 
ally took possession of all the surrounding country, in the name 
of the king, Charles the Fifth. 

But arrival on the land was far from a conclusion of the mis- 
fortunes of the expedition. The Indians whom they met constantly 
talked of a very rich country to the north, called Apalache, from 
which they said the linen and woolen cloth wliich they wore, and 
more particularly the pieces of gold which they showed, had 
come. Thither the little army started to march, but met with 
grave difficulties from the first. The ships, which were ordered to 
proceed along the coast slowly so as to be within easy distance of 
the land expedition, were soon lost to view, and were never after- 
wards seen by Narvaez or any of his company. An entire lack 



54 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

of knowledge of the geography of the country caused long delays, 
and the bays and rivers which were met with greatly impeded 
the journey. Boats had to be constructed to cross the Suwanee, 
and the hostility of the natives who were encountered added to 
the difficulties arising from lack of provisions. 

Ten weeks were thus occupied before the Avelcome sight of 
Apalache gladdened the eyes of the half-starved and exhausted 
Spaniards, on June 26th ; and then their joy was shoi't-lived, for 
instead of a great and rich city they found only a small, poor 
town without gold or anything of value. Here they remained 
nearly a month for rest, and then started southward to seek the 
Gulf at a town called Ante, on Apalachicola Bay. But there an 
unknown malady attacked them, and many succumbed to its 
power, while all were enfeebled and discouraged. All hope of 
relief from their vessels was soon abandoned and they determined 
as a last resource, if possible, to build rough boats to carry them 
from the scene of their misfortunes. But no project could seem 
less possible of execution. They had no tools, no iron, no forge, 
no rigging; and not a single man who possessed any knowledge 
of mechanical arts. 

Necessity, however, proved, as often before and since, the 
mother of invention. A bellows was made from a tin pipe and 
some deer skins; stirrups, spurs, and every article of iron were 
transformed into nails, axes, and other tools. From the leaves 
of the palmetto they made a substitute for tow ; ropes and rigging 
were manufactured from the fibre of the same plant and the tails 
and manes of their horses, while the shirts of the men were given 
up to be used as sails. 

By enormous exertions they succeeded by September 20th in 
building five boats, and into them the 247 survivors were crowd- 
ed ; the boats being so heavily laden that the men could not move 
without danger of sinking. What added to the difficulties was 
that not a single one understood the principles of navigation. 
No alternative however remained, and so they put out to sea, pro- 
ceeding westward along the coast and stopping from time to time 
for fresh water and shellfish. Several times, in storms, they were 
almost overwhelmed, and in passing the mouth of the Mississippi 



CABEZA DE VACA 55 

were tliree days fighting against the mighty current, A\hich threat- 
ened to carry them out to sea. 

When that was passed, on November third, the vessels were so 
far separated that none of the others could be seen from that com- 
manded by Cabeza de Vaca, and the whole fleet was never again 
united. Storm succeeded storm until the provisions were so far 
reduced that the daily allowance had to be limited to half a 
handful of raw corn. At length, when all were exhausted, in the 
darkness of night they were cast ashore on a sandy island on the 
coast of what is now known as eastern Texas. Here several were 
drowned, but the remainder, more dead than alive, were tenderly 
cared for by the natives, who carried them to their cabins. 

Unfortunately, however, their troubles were far from being, 
even yet, at an end. A severe winter followed, during which 
sixty-five, of the eighty who had landed, perished. When spring 
came, twelve of the survivors crossed to the mainland, leaving 
Cabeza de Vaca and two others who were sick, on the island. In 
this vicinity, surrounded by Indians, and treated as a slave, the 
late treasurer remained for six long years, continually looking 
for means to escape and to travel towards the settlements of his 
countrymen. 

At length an opportunity offered, and he started inland, and 
was astonished to hear of three strangers being held by a neigh- 
boring tribe, and on meeting them, to find three of his old com- 
panions, Alonzo de Castillo, Andres Dorantes, and Estevan, a 
Barbary negro. These were all held in bondage, to which Vaca 
was also subjected, and a year and a half elapsed before another 
opportunity for escape occurred. Then thej^ all proceeded north- 
westerly far into the interior of Texas, gaining great celebrity 
among the Indians, as physicians, and being conducted from 
tribe to tribe with much ceremony, as Superior Beings sent from 
Heaven for the healing of mankind. Still at times they suffered 
great privations, traveling entirely naked, and reduced to the 
verge of starvation. After traversing vast plains, the}'- at length 
came in sight of the mountains, and shortly after reached "a 
great river coming from the north;" and then, after crossing 
rough mountains, devoid of water or food, they were gladdened 



56 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

by the sight of "a very large river, tlie water of which was breast- 
high." The first of these streams was undoubtedly the Peeos 
and the second the Rio Grande. 

Soon after, they encountered natives of a very superior char- 
acter, and for the first time saw "habitations having the appear- 
ance and stiiieture of houses." Castillo calls them "fixed dwell- 
ings of civilization," and Cabeza de Vaca uses the term "settled 
habitations." This is the first description that we have of wliat, 
either in existence or in ruins, are known as the Pueblo Indian 
towns. Here they found a people entirely different from the no- 
madic tribes of the Texas plains, wearing garments made of 
buffalo hide and also of cotton, protecting their feet with leather 
shoes and using the amole or soap weed for cleansing purposes. 
They had also an abundance of flour, grain, beans, and pumpkins. 

Thus westerly the Spaniards traveled, healing the sick and 
teaching the rudiments of Christianity, but always hastening on 
towards the point where they hoped to hear of some of their 
own countrymen. They were uniformly well treated among these 
more civilized Indians, the great difficulty being to escape from 
the hospitality of the successive villages and proceed on their way. 
The people presented them with many fine turquoises, which they 
said came "from the north" and which were probably the pro- 
duct of the celebrated mine whose vast extent is still a source of 
wonder, in the Cerrillos district south of Santa Fe ; and also five 
emeralds, shaped into arrow heads, which they greatly prized. 

So Cabeza de Vaca and his companions proceeded through 
southern New Mexico, northern Chihuahua and Sonora, until 
they reached a town which they called the Town of Hearts — 
Plaza de los Corazones — near which they saw an Indian wearing 
as ornaments the buckle of a sword belt and the nail of a horse- 
shoe. These things, small in themselves, were to the Spaniards 
most significant, for they told of the proximity of European set- 
tlements ; and but a little more time elapsed before the travelers 
found themselves at last in the midst of their countrymen on the 
shores of the Gulf of California. 

This was in the spring of 1536, nearly eight years after their 



CABEZA DE VACA 57 

landing in Florida ; during fully seven years of this time they had 
lived altogether among Indians, traversing the entire width of 
the continent from ocean to ocean, and utterlj^ lost to the civilized 
world, even in memory. Years before their unexpected re-appear- 
ance they had been mourned as dead, and even the most sanguine 
of their friends had abandoned all hope of ever receiving tidings 
of their fate. 

On their journey they had found the same radical difference 
between the nomadic Indian tribes of the Gulf coast, half -clothed 
and half-starved, and the civilized natives of New IVIexico, living 
in permanent houses and raising grain and vegetables to eat and 
cotton to wear, as exists today between the wild tribes of the 
plains and the peaceful and industrious Pueblo Indians. 

The record of the travels and privations of Cabeza de Vaca and 
his companions will always be of the highest interest, as giving 
the incidents of an almost unprecedented journey, and the first 
account, by any European, of the soil and the people of Texas, 
southern New ]\Iexico, and the adjacent regions. 



CHAPTEK V 

Friar Marcos De Niza 

As might well be supposed, the re-appearanee of Cabeza de 
Vaca, who had long been considered as dead, created great excite- 
ment, and the accounts given by himself and his companions of 
their adventures and of the lands through which they had passed, 
were listened to with eager excitement. Especially did the de- 
scriptions, given with all the exaggeration characteristic of 
travelers in strange lands, of the great and populous cities, of the 
civilized country near the Rio Grande, and of the houses four or 
five stories high, of which they were composed, excite the admira- 
tion and kindle the adventurous ardor of the Spaniards of Mexi- 
co. They happened to arrive just when they were greatly interest- 
ed in that very country, and ready to believe almost any accounts 
of its riches, however fabulous. 

Six years before, in 1530, an Indian, held in slavery by Nufio 
de Guzman, then governor of New Galicia, brought the first re- 
port of that region, which he called "The Land of the Seven 
Cities. ' ' He stated that his father, who was a merchant, used to 
travel into the interior of the country in order to sell ornamental 
feathers for which he obtained great quantities of gold and silver, 
which metals were very common in that country. He added that 
on several of these trips he had accompanied his father and had 
seen cities which were so extensive and magnificent as to equal 
if not exceed in grandeur the city of Mexico. These cities were 
seven in number and in them the precious metals were so plenti- 
ful that whole streets had to be devoted to the goldsmiths. To 
reach this country, he said, it was necessary to proceed directly 
north between the great oceans, and on the journey was a desert 
so extensive that it required forty daj^s to cross. 



FKIAR MARCOS DE NIZA 59 

Inflamed by the description of the riches of the country, and 
not deterred by the dangers and difficulties of the desert march, 
Governor Guzman lost no time in preparing for the conquest of 
this new El Dorado, and soon set out with an army of 400 Span- 
iards and 20,000 Indian allies on the northern march for that 
purpose. All went well so long as he was within the limits of 
the Spanish occupation in Mexico, and even until he arrived in 
the vicinity of the Gulf of California at Culiacan. But here a 
mountainous region was encountered, so wild and inaccessible 
that it was impossible to find a proper passage ; and large num- 
bers of the Spaniards, who had enlisted in the enterprise without 
fully counting its cost, lost courage and returned to their homes. 

Not wishing to return to Mexico on account of political changes 
there which had brought his enemies into power, and yet unable 
to proceed further on his expedition, Guzman concluded to settle 
in the part of the country where he then was, looking forward 
to the day when more favorable circumstances would permit liim 
to carry out his cherished purpose. Before this time came, how- 
ever, he was accused of various political crimes and thrown into 
prison and, in 1536, Francisco Vasquez Coronado, a man of high 
position and a chivalric and adventurous spirit, was appointed 
governor of the province over which Guzman had ruled and which 
was called New Galicia. 

Just as Coronado was proposing to proceed to the seat of his 
new government, full of ambition as to his career in this difficult 
field of action, Cabeza de Vaca with his companions arrived in 
Mexico, where they were received with great enthusiasm, and the 
marvelous stories of the regions to the north listened to with the 
most intense interest. Coronado was charmed and excited by the 
idea of having such a wonderful field for discovery and conquest 
on the very border of his province, and determined to lose no time 
in arranging the preliminaries of an expedition which he trusted 
might be as glorious and important as those of Cortes and Pi- 
zarro. Cabeza de Vaca had already set sail for Spain, but Coro- 
nado secured the services of Estevan, the Barbary negro, whose 
knowledge of the country and of the language and customs of the 



60 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Indian tribes was considered of great value, and immediately 
organized an exploring expedition, which he placed in charge of 
a Franciscan monk, named Marcos de Niza. 

Marcos himself had had much previous experience in Peru and 
was considered an admirable leader, and he certainly showed 
himself unexcelled as a narrator of extraordinary things, however 
he may have fallen short in other particulars. His report to the 
king, made immediately after his return in September, 1539, is a 
very formal document, attested by various notaries, in the pres- 
ence of the viceroy, the governor and the high officials; and, 
while it is full of exaggerations, yet we follow its statements here, 
both because it gives a fair idea of the spirit of the times and 
also shows on what foundation the celebrated expedition of Coro- 
nado in 154.0 was based. 

His instructions were to proceed immediately and enter the 
interior, so as to reach the Land of the Seven Cities, taking Este- 
van as a guide; to avoid all collisions or difficulties with the 
natives, and to observe and report on all the products of the 
country, its resources and advantages, together with the char- 
acter of the people. As in all the expeditions of that day, re- 
ligion and conquest went hand in hand ; and so he was ordered, in 
case he found a city so important as to be the proper seat of a 
monastery, to return forthwith to Culiacan to arrange therefor, 
"for in the proposed conquest the most important matter is the 
service of our Lord and the good of the natives of the country. ' ' 

The expedition, which was principally composed of Mexican 
Indians, started from San Miguel in the Province of Culiacan on 
the seventh of March, 1539, and first proceeding to the town of 
Petatlan, continued on northwesterly, parallel to the shore of the 
Gulf of California, and a short distance from it. Everywhere 
they were received most hospitably by the natives, who brought 
provisions and flowers as presents, and wherever there were no 
houses, arranged arbors of the branches of trees as shelters for 
the strangers. 

At length he arrived at the boundary of a desert so extensive 
tliat four days were required to cross it, and which seems to have 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA 61 

formed a complete barrier between the adjacent tri])es, for the 
people on the north side were found entirely ignorant of the 
language used on the south, and so far from ever having seen a 
white man, they had not even heard of their existence, and hailed 
the friar as a celestial ^^sitor, calling him "Hayota," which means 
' ' a man from Heaven, ' ' and showing him every token of respect 
and adoration. These people, however, were poor and few in 
number and the Spaniards eagerly inquired for news of the large 
and wealthy cities of which they were in search, and were en- 
couraged by the information that four or five days' journey from 
the mountains was a great plain where would be found numerous 
people, living in large to'wns, who dressed in cotton, and among 
whom gold abounded. Not only were their household vessels 
made of tliis metal, and the walls of their temples plated with it, 
but the informants particularized sufficiently to say that they 
"used thin plates of gold to scrape off their sweat," and also that 
they wore precious green stones suspended from their ears and 
nostrils. 

It being doubtful, however, in which direction it was best to 
proceed. Friar IMarcos concluded to stop at the largest to^^^l of 
these friendly Indians and send Estevan in advance with a small 
party to explore the country, ■v\dth instructions to send a message 
whenever he should see or hear anything of interest. A novel 
system of communication was agreed on, it being arranged that 
if the place discovered was not of special importance, the negro 
should send back a white cross one hand in length ; " if it were 
of any great matter, one of two handfuls long ; and if it were a 
country greater and better than New Spain, he should send a 
great cross. ' ' 

We may imagine, therefore, the excitement and joy occasioned 
to the friar, when, only four days after the departure of the 
advance guard, messengers arriA^ed from Estevan, bringing a 
great cross as high as a man, and tidings that he had inforina- 
tion of a new country which was the greatest in the world. To 
corroborate this wonderful announcement, a native was sent back 
who had visited the unknown land, and whose statements more 



62 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

than bore out all that was reported of it. He said that thirty 
days' march in advance was a great kingdom called Cibola, in 
which were seven mighty cities of great wealth, the liouses in 
which were of stone and generally two or three stories in height, 
the palace of the ruler being still more lofty. The people were all 
well-clothed, wealth abounded, and the doors of all the principal 
mansions were ornamented with multitudes of turquoises cut into 
various shapes. 

Scarcely had Marcos had time to realize the importance of this 
news, when three Indians, called "Pintados" because so elabo- 
rately decorated with paint, arrived from the east, who said they 
were familiar with Cibola, and corroborated all that had been said 
of the glories of the Seven Cities ; and soon other messengers from 
Estevan arrived, urging the friar to hasten on, as further infor- 
mation increased the importance of the lands to be discovered, 
and it appeared that besides Cibola itself, there were three other 
great kingdoms in its vicinity called Marata, Acus, and Toton- 
teac. Accordingly Marcos lost no time in marching on, and soon 
met numbers of natives who said that they were familiar with the 
Seven Cities, as they went there to work every summer ; and who 
had much to say of the wealth of the people, of the long cotton 
garments they wore, and the turquoises almost universally used 
as ornaments. 

The country was found to be increasingly populous as he pro- 
ceeded and the people became more and more intelligent and 
prosperous. For four days the friar passed through a succession 
of villages in each of which he was treated with the utmost hos- 
pitality, and the people were well-dressed in clothes of cotton or 
of tanned buffalo skin, nearly all of them wearing turquoise orna- 
ments, called "cacona. " Here, also for the first time, the Span- 
iards heard of the existence of sheep in the country, one of the 
chiefs informing Marcos, after examining his gray woolen suit, 
that while at Cibola only cotton cloth was used, at Totonteac 
were "little animals which furnish the wool from which the same 
kind of cloth was made." 

So he traveled on, crossing a desert four days' journey in 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA 63 

width, and then coming to a lovely valley, thickly populated and 
beautifully cultivated throughout, and which he was five days in 
traversing. Near the end of the valley was a large town, called 
Chichilticale, and here the friar was delighted to meet an actual 
resident of Cibola, the first whom he had seen, and whom he de- 
scribes as "a white man of a good complexion," and far superior 
intellectually to any of the natives with whom he had before been 
brought in contact. This man, who was quite aged, more than 
corroborated all that had been heard before. He described Ci- 
bola as a very populous city, with fine streets and market places, 
with five storied houses built of stone, the gates and pillars of the 
principal residences being of turquoise, while all the household 
vessels were of gold. With all this it was far from the largest of 
the Seven Cities, Abacus, the capital, being altogether superior. 
He also told of the great surrounding kingdoms and especially of 
Totonteac, which was the most powerful in the world. 

Marcos was now on the border of a wide desert which was the 
last to be encountered on the route to Cibola, and a multitude of 
the people offered to act as an escort to that city. When Este- 
van had passed a short time before no less than 300 had accom- 
panied him, and far more now presented themselves to the friar. 
But he selected only 30 of these to be his companions, choosing 
those who were the wealtliiest and most impor-tant, while a num- 
ber of others came as servants to carry provisions, the desert 
journey being one of 15 days in length. 

They started on this expedition on the 9th of May, full of 
enthusiasm and high hope, and thus proceeded for 12 days and 
nearly to their journey's end, when suddenly they were met by 
one of the Indians who had accompanied Estevan, nearly ex- 
hausted and covered with perspiration ; liis appearance foreshad- 
owing the bad news of which he was the bearer. 

He told them that on the arrival of the negro at Cibola the in- 
habitants of the city had taken him and all his company prison- 
ers and put them into a log house just outside the walls, taking 
from them all the articles of value they possessed and leaving 
them all night without food or water. The next morning the 



64 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

narrator, being very thirsty, had left the house and gone to a 
stream near by for water, and while there saw Estevan running 
away, being pursued by the Cibolans, who were killing liis fol- 
lowers as they went. On seeing this, he had hidden himself, and 
at the first opportunity fled into the desert. 

This unexpected news naturally threw the followers of Marcos 
into consternation and loud murmurs against the Spaniards soon 
filled the air. The friar however was equal to the occasion. He 
opened some of the packages of goods he had brought for traffic 
and made presents of the contents to the principal men, which 
had such a reassuring effect that they consented to go forward 
again, and journeyed on until within a single day's march of 
Cibola, when they met two more of the Indians who had accom- 
panied Estevan, wounded and bleeding. These told the same 
story of the capture and attempted escape of the negro and his 
party. They had been with him at the house and were pursued 
by the Cibolans, who killed many and wounded all, so that they 
believed they were the only survivors of the entire expedition. 
Tills news, which concerned the sons and brothers of those who 
formed the escort of Marcos, roused their indignation to a pitch 
akin to frenzy, not only against the men of Cibola but against 
the friar who had brought this great calamity upon them; and 
it required all his address to prevent a dangerous outbreak which 
would have threatened his own life. 

All his persuasion and the promises of unlimited presents did 
not avail to induce them to go a foot nearer to the city where 
such destruction had taken place; and Marcos, now forced to 
abandon all hopes of entering the city, had to content himself 
with taking observations of it from a distance. For that purpose 
he went to an adjacent elevation from which he could look into 
it, and in his report says that "it maketh show to be a fair city 
and better seated than any I have seen in these parts. The houses 
are builded in order, all made of stone, with divers stories and 
flat roofs. The people are somewhat white, they wear apparel 
and lie in beds ; their weapons are bows ; they have emeralds and 
other jewels, although they esteem none so much as turquoise. 



FEIAR MARCOS DE NIZA 65 

wheremth they adorn the walls and the porches of their houses 
and their apparel and dresses, and they use them instead of 
money. They use vessels of gold and silver, whereof there is 
greater use and of more abundance than in Peru." 

Having thus viewed from afar the Promised Land into which 
he could not enter, Friar Marcos set up a slender cross and form- 
ally proclaimed that he took possession of the province in the 
name of the viceroy and of the king of Spain, calling the same 
"El Neuvo Reyno de San Francisco;" and being particular to 
announce that he not only took possession of Cibola, but of all the 
Seven Cities and of the kingdoms of Totonteac, of Acus, and of 
Marata. 

This done, he hastened to overtake his escort, which was re- 
turning with a rapidity inspired by fear ; but found so much feel- 
ing aroused against him among the natives that he was glad to 
escape from them and the people of the valley whose relatives had 
been slain, by swift traveling. In due time he reached the Mexi- 
can towns and made a report to Governor Coronado, which was 
sent to the viceroy and thence to the emperor, and which by its 
extravagance of language and extraordinary exaggerations of the 
wealth and importance of the Land of the Seven Cities created a 
great excitement in both the New and Old World and swiftly led 
to the celebrated expedition of Coronado. 



CHAPTER VI 

Coronado 

The reports brought back by Friar ^Marcos to New Galieia and 
Mexico were so much beyond what had been hoped, that they na- 
turally created great excitement. While others miglit ha^'e been 
thought to invent or at least exaggerate, his position as a Fran- 
ciscan friar gained entire credence for the most highly colored 
statements, and both the viceroy and Governor Coronado were 
eager for the exploration and conquest of the new El Dorado 
beyond the desert. 

It was determined inmiediately to organize an expedition, of 
which Coronado was very properly named as commander, botli 
because the discovery of Cibola had been made through liis instru- 
mentality and also on account of his gallantry and experience in 
arms. The most chivalrous and enterprising cavaliers of New 
Spain flocked to his standard as soon as the news of the expedition 
spread; so that the troop of Spaniards which finally started on 
the great march was the most brilliant as to family and wealth 
that had ever been gatliered in the New World. Indeed the only 
difficulty encountered was from this "embaras de riebesses" in 
the material of the expedition, almost every member of which is 
said to have been worthy of being a leader. 

In order that the commander might not gain ill will in the 
selection of officers, the \dceroy performed this duty liimself, 
knowing that all would willingly submit to his decision. "Seeing 
the great number of gentlemen taking part in the expedition," 
says its historian, Castaiieda, ' ' the Viceroy would have been glad 
to have given each one the command of an army ; but as the sol- 
diers were so few, it was necessary to make a choice. He chose 
for standard-bearer Don Pedro de Tobar, a young cavalier, son 



CORONADO 67 

of Don Fernando de Tobar, mayor-domo of the late Queen 
Joana, our legitimate sovereign, whose soul may God preserve. 
He appointed as IMaestro de Campo, Lope de Samaniego, gover- 
nor of the arsenal of Mexico, and a chevalier well worthy of this 
position. The captains were Don Tristan de Arellano, Don Pedro 
de Guevara, Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, Don Rodrigo Maldo- 
nado, brother-in-law of the Duke of Infantado, Diego Lopez, 
member of the city council of Seville, and Diego Gutierrez, 
captain of cavalry. All the other gentlemen were placed directly 
under the orders of the General, because they were men of dis- 
tinction, and a number of them Avere afterwards captains." The 
conmiander of the infantry was Pablo de Melgosa, and the chief 
of artillery Hernando de Alvarado. 

All told, the army consisted of 400 Spaniards and 800 Indian 
soldiers, and it was fully organized at Compostela, the capital of 
New Galicia, in the spring of 1540. To show his great interest, 
and give special eclat to the occasion, the viceroy himself came 
to the city and held a grand review of the troops, addressing 
them in inspiring language on the three-fold importance of their 
work : to their country, by conquering a great province ; to the 
natives, by bringing them to a knowledge of Christianity; and 
to themselves, by bettering their future. 

The viceroy accompanied the expedition for two days in 
order to encourage it to the fullest extent. As soon as he 
departed, the holiday aspect disappeared and the real work of the 
march began. IMany soon found that they had brought far too 
much baggage for convenience and were glad to give away super- 
fluous articles or leave them on the wayside; others, who had 
been brought up to lives of idleness and luxury, found them- 
selves compelled to perform work to wliich they were far from 
accustomed. Still, all pressed forward eagerly towards the won- 
derful "Land of the Seven Cities," wliich was to bring to each 
one wealth and honor. 

At Culiacan, Coronado's impatience to reach the field of ex- 
ploration and conquest became so great that he decided to press 
on in advance of the main body of the army ; and so, taking Friar 



68 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Marcos as guide, with fifty horsemen and a few soldiers on foot, 
he started on, leaving the remainder under the command of Don 
Tristan de Arellano, with ordei*s to follow as speedily as possi- 
ble. The governor and his small company proceeded rapidly 
over the road traveled by Marcos two years before. They were 
well treated by the natives, many of whom remembered the form- 
er expedition; and were full of enthusiasm until they reached 
the town on the edge of the desert of which the friar had given 
such a glowing account, and which was called Chichilticale. But 
here came a great disappointment ; for instead of the flourishing 
city they had been led to expect, they found in reality but one 
single dwelling and that in a ruinous condition. It was of great 
size and its architecture gave evidence of its being the work of 
some superior and civilized nation in time gone by; but the ex- 
pedition had not come to seek relics of antiquity but the riches 
and glory of the present, and was correspondingly disappointed. 
This great building is readily identified, being that now known 
as the Casa Grande of Arizona ; and its connection with this 
expedition adds to its intrinsic interest as a specimen of early 
American architecture. 

Although somewhat depressed, Coronado determined still to 
press on without waiting for the main body to come up ; and so 
marched into the great desert which even with his well-equipped 
men he was 15 days in crossing. At the end of that time, he was 
gladdened by the sight of a stream of water, which from its red- 
dish color the Spaniards called Vermejo, and which for the same 
reason is now named Colorado Chiquito (Little Red), They 
were now but about twenty miles from Cibola itself, and excite- 
ment ran high in the camp. Soon after, they saw a few Indians ; 
but they fled at the sight of the invaders. On the evening of the 
next day, being but five miles from the city, they discerned some 
natives watching their movements from a hill top, who raised 
such a frightful cry that for a moment it carried consternation 
among the Spaniards ; but on pursuing the Indians they escaped 
toward Cibola. 

The next day, Coronado and his little army arrived in sight of 



CORONADO 69 

the famous city of which they had heard so much ; but what was 
their astonisliment and chagrin to find that instead of a great 
capital, it was but a small town containing not over two hundred 
warriors, whose power of resistance arose not from the numeri- 
cal strength of its people but from its situation on a great rock, 
difficult and dangerous to approach. It was true that the houses 
were three or four stories high, but they were small and badly 
arranged; and one court-yard had to suffice for an entire quarter. 

Coronado by signs made overtures of friendship, but the Cibo- 
lans seemed instinctively to understand that this meant vassalage, 
and so prepared to resist an attack outside the walls. An assault 
soon followed, the Spaniards charging with loud cries of "San- 
tiago." They soon forced the Indians to fly to the shelter of the 
town. The Spaniards followed, but as the only place of ascent 
was steep and dangerous, they met with considerable loss. Show- 
ers of stones were hailed upon them, and Coronado himself was 
struck to the ground and narrowly escaped death. Still they 
pressed on, and finally the discipline of trained warriors, together 
with the advantage of fire arms, prevailed; and the Christians 
marched in triumph through the streets of the first Pueblo town 
that had ever been seen by European eyes. This is now called 
by the Indians "Ilawaikuh. " 

Here Coronado remained for a considerable time, waiting for 
the arrival of his main armj^ familiarizing himself with the 
customs of the people, and gaining a knowledge of the surround- 
ing country. The Province of Cibola — which is the modern 
Zufii — contained seven towns in all, and all were well governed 
by the older men. The people were orderly and industrious and 
exemplary in their habits and morals. They treated the Span- 
iards with hospitality and in return Coronado prevented any 
outrages or oppression being conmiitted by his soldiers upon the 
people. At length the main army arrived, fatigued from their 
march, and the southern Indians suffering from the effects of 
the cold and snow to which they were not accustomed ; but other- 
wise they were in good condition. 

Wliile they were resting, Coronado sent a small detachment 



70 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

under Don Pedro de Tobar to visit the province called Tusayan, 
about twenty-five leagues to the northwest, in which he was told 
there were seven cities similar to those of Cibola. So secretly 
and smftly did this expedition march that it arrived in the night 
under the very walls of the houses of the nearest of these cities, 
and the first notice that the inhabitants had of danger was the 
sight of the Spaniards in their midst at early dawn. Some par- 
leying ensued, followed by an attack by the Spaniards on the 
natives, terminating as usual in the submission of the latter ; and 
within a short time all of the towns sent deputations to acknowl- 
edge the authority of the strangers and to invite them to visit 
and trade. 

This province, which is the modern Moqui or Hopi, was un- 
doubtedly the Totonteac of which Marcos gave such glowing ac- 
counts. It consisted of seven villages, governed, as were those 
of Cibola, by councils of aged men. The people were industrious, 
raising large quantities of corn, and making well tanned leather. 
Among the gifts which they presented to the Spaniards were 
pottery and turquoise. 

Here Don Pedro w^as told of a great river to the westward, on 
which a race of giants dwelt, and was so much impressed ^vitll the 
description of its size and depth, that Coronado sent another 
expedition, consisting of twelve horsemen under Don Garcia 
Lopez de Cardenas, to search for it. This party went first to 
Tusayan for guides and then for twenty days marched westerly 
through an uninhabited country until at length they beheld — 
first of all Europeans — what we now know as the Grand Canon 
of the Colorado. They called it the River Tison, and described 
its depth by saying that the sides of the eaiion were "three or 
four leagues in the air. ' ' For three days they traveled along its 
side, seeking for a place to descend into the eaiion, but were 
forced to return without accomplishing that feat. 

While this expedition was absent, there came to visit Coronado 
a deputation from a province far to the eastward, called Cicuic, 
headed by their young chief, who on account of his long mus- 
taches was called by the Spaniards "Bigotes." He said that 



COEONADO 71 

the news of the arrival of tlie white men had reached his country, 
two hundred miles away, and they had come to offer their friend- 
ship and services. He told much of the country and its produc- 
tions, dwelling specially on the great number of buffaloes to be 
found to the eastward. As this afforded a good opportunity for 
exploration, Coronado directed Alvarado with twenty men to 
accompany Bigotes on his return and to gain all the knowledge 
possible of the country. Accordingly, they set out with the 
deputation from Cicuic, and at the end of five days came to 
Acuco — the present pueblo of Acoma — a town impregnably 
situated on the summit of a great rock, whose sides are so per- 
pendicular that ascent is impossible except in one place, where 
artificial steps have been made. Here the people were found 
to have great quantities of pottery, bread, corn, piiions, etc., of 
all of which they generously presented goodly supplies to the 
Spaniards. 

Without delay, however, Alvarado continued on \^dth Bigotes, 
and in three days came to the province of Tihuex (pronounced 
Tee-wesh), containing twelve villages in all; the town of Tihuex 
itself being one of the largest and most important of the Pueblo 
cities, with four-storied buildings, extensive plazas and large 
circular estufas paved with stone. This province stretched along 
the Rio Grande for thirty or forty miles, from the vicinity of the 
present Albuquerque to that of San Felipe ; the town of Tihuex 
itself being near Bernalillo, and very possibly identical with the 
Puara of later narratives. It was the land of the Tihuas, or 
Tiguas, or Tiwas, as the name of that division of the Pueblo In- 
dians is variously spelled by different writers. Alvarado was so 
greatly delighted with the fertility of the country in the Rio 
Grande Valley and with the kindness of the people, that he sent 
a messenger back to Coronado recommending that the army 
should make its winter quarters there. 

Five days more brought the little expedition, with Bigotes, to 
the home of the latter at Cicuic, a large and handsome to-wn, built 
in terrace form around a square, four stories in height, and 
strongly fortified. Here the Spaniards were received with special 



72 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

hospitality, as the guests of the chief; and remained for some 
time, until the main army had arrived at Tihuex. 

This town of Cicuic (pronounced See-coo-eek), which was the 
largest in New Mexico, and, indeed, at that time, in the whole 
of the present United States, is easily identitied as the more mod- 
ern Pecos. Why it is called h.y the chroniclers of Coronado's 
expedition by a different name from that by which it is distin- 
guished in all subsequent history, is difficult to determine. The 
word is variously spelled Cicuic, Cicuyc, Cicuique, Acuique, etc., 
and by mistaking the final "c" for an "e," appears in the 
French translation of Ternaux-Compans as Cicuye, and has been 
copied in that erroneous form and even with an improvised ac- 
cent on the final "e" by many recent writers. 

While here, Alvarado met a man whose statements had much 
to do with the future of the expedition. This was a native of 
the far east, somewhere in the IMississippi Valley, who was held 
as a servant at Cicuic, and who from his oriental appearance was 
always called by the Spaniards, "The Turk," to the exclusion 
of any other name. As soon as he met Alvarado, he began to 
urge him to march over the plains to a wonderful country, which 
he described as abounding in all kinds of riches, especially in 
gold and silver; and whose chief city was called Quivira. So 
glowing were his accounts, that the Spanish captain felt that it 
was a mere waste of time to explore a country whose only wealth 
was in buffaloes; and so, without going further, he hastened back 
to Coronado, to tell of the great news he had received, taking 
"The Turk" with him. 

In the meantime, the Spanish army, in accordance with the 
suggestion of Alvarado, had made Tihuex its winter quarters, 
taking possession of the houses and treating the inhabitants with 
much harshness ; a poor return for their recent hospitality. 
Coronado himself waited at Cibola for re-enforcements under 
Tristan de Arellano, and then marched on to Tiheux, taking a 
route through a province of eight villages, called Tutahaco, which 
was either in the valley of the San Jose river, near the present 
pueblo of Laguna or on the Rio Grande near Isleta. 



CORONADO 73 

When he arrived in Tihuex, Alvarado lost no time in bringing 
"The Turk" before him, and the latter was now even more 
extravagant than before in his descriptions of the east. He said 
that in that country was a river two leagues in width, containing 
fish the size of a horse, and navigated by great vessels, in the 
stern of which the nobles sat under canopies surrounded by 
every luxury. All his descriptions ended with the statement 
that the commonest vessels in this far-off land were of silver, 
and all the table utensils of gold. 

Strange to say, these were believed, without a doubt ; and such 
confidence was placed in The Turk that those opposing him were 
distrusted. Even Bigotes and the cacique of Cicuic were seized 
and imprisoned, on the statement of this imposter that he had 
left some golden bracelets in their city, which they refused to 
deliver. 

This naturally caused great indignation among the natives, 
wliich was enhanced by the injustice and hai-shness of Spanish 
officers in collecting cotton goods for clothing for their troops, 
and by other outrages. The result was a general uprising, in 
which, after striking one blow, the Indians wisely maintained a 
defensive attitude within their almost impregnable houses. The 
Spanish attacks resulted only in loss, until some Indian allies 
dug underground passages to some of the houses, and by kind- 
ling fires, so filled them with smoke, that the inmates were com- 
pelled to come out. A large number surrendered under what 
they understood to be conditions of pardon, but were almost 
immediately massacred. 

All through the winter, hostilities continued, culminating in 
the siege of Tiheux^ which lasted no less than fifty days, with 
considerable loss on both sides, until the inhabitants were com- 
pelled to abandon the to\^Ti for want of water, and most of them 
perished in the river, which was intensely cold, or by the hands 
of the Spaniards, who discovered their retreat. While this siege 
was in progress, Coronado visited Cicuic in order to regain the 
friendship of the people, and by restoring their cacique to lib- 
erty and promising soon to liberate Bigotes, succeeded in that 



74 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

design. After Tiheux had been taken, a friendly expedition 
was also sent to Chia (the pueblo of Zia) four leagues distant; 
and another to the Queres province to the north ; both of which 
were favorably received. 

The whole army was impatient to start on its march to the 
far east, of which ' ' The Turk ' ' had given such vivid descriptions, 
and especially to the rich city of Quivira, which was the special 
object of their ambition. The winter, however, was an unusually 
long and severe one, so that it was not until early in May (May 
5, 1541), that the march from Tihuex actually commenced, 
At Cicuic, Bigotes was returned to his people, and that chief, 
together with the cacique, presented to Coronado a young Indian 
named Xabe, who was a native of Quivira itself, to assist as 
guide on the expedition. This young man confirmed many of 
the statements of the Turk as to the country in the far east, but 
was much more modest in his estimate of the wealth of that 
region. Still, enough was corroborated to make both officers and 
men very eager to reach this unknown land ; so they left Cicuic 
after a brief stay, and started off boldly into the unknown wilder- 
ness to the east. 

After crossing some mountains, they came to a large river too 
deep to ford, and where consequently they were detained four 
days in constructing a bridge : after which they marched for ten 
days more over a rough and hilly country, when they arrived 
at the border of the plains and soon saw the camp of a nomadic 
tribe called ' ' Querechos, ' ' who lived in tents of buffalo skins, and 
who were of great intelligence. These Indians informed the 
Spaniards that far to the east was a river so long that it re- 
quired ninety days to march along its sides, and which was over 
a league in width ; they also corroborated what the Turk had 
reported of the richness of the country; but not till after they 
had had a conversation with that worthy. The country now 
traversed was the great plain east of the mountains in New 
Mexico, which they found covered with enormous droves of 
buffalo, literally innumerable in quantity. Occasionally they 
came to great ravines or caiions, in one of which, probably that 
of the Canadian, they found an encampment of Indians, who 



CORONADO 75 

reported that they had met Cabeza de Vaca and his companion 
on their journey seventeen years before. 

Thus the army traveled in a general northeasterly direction, 
through a level country, well supplied with fruit and fairly pop- 
ulated, daily losing faith in the glowing stories of the Turk as 
they heard the plain statements of Indians, whom he had no 
opportunity to consult in advance, until their calculation of the 
distance from Tihuex reached 250 leagues, and they liad been 
thirty-seven days on the route. Provisions were now running- 
low, with no possibility of being replenished, and altogether the 
situation was so serious that Coronado called a council of war. 
Here it was finally determined that the general with thirty 
horsemen and six foot soldiers should proceed in search of 
Quivira; while the main body of the army, after waiting a 
reasonable time for advices, should return to Tihuex under 
Tristan de Arellano. The soldiers, who idolized Coronado, ob- 
jected strenuously to this programme, but it was nevertheless 
carried out; the Turk being taken with the exploring party, in 
chains, as punishment for what were now recognized as his false 
statements. 

The little party traveled as rapidly as possible, but still it re- 
quired no less than forty-eight days to make the journey across 
the plains to Quivira. This celebrated city, the goal of so many 
high hopes and ambitions, was found just to the east of a great 
river and appears to have consisted of a succession of towns and 
villages situated on small streams which flowed into that river, 
from the east. The community was certainly great in extent, 
but as far as wealth was concerned, it was an entire disappoint- 
ment. So far from possessing great quantities of the precious 
metals, the people appeared to have no knowledge, whatever, of 
either gold or silver ; indeed no metals were seen at all, except a 
plate of copper which the ruler wore upon his breast, and which 
was very highly esteemed by all the people. 

Nothing could exceed the indignation of the Spaniards at the 
Turk when these facts became known ; and he, seeing that nothing 
was to be accomplished by further deception, boldly acknowledged 
that he had given them false information at the request of the 



76 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

people of Cicuic, who wished the Spaniards to ])e led astray on 
the plains, so that they would perish there or be so exhausted 
by long marching' as easily to be overcome on their return. It is 
not strange, under the circumstances, that Coronado's officers 
promptly strangled the impostor, who had led them so far into 
the wilderness ; nor need we be surprised that the general quickly 
turned back from this city, which though of much importance 
and interest in certain ways, yet failed to meet the demand for 
gold which seems largely to have actuated most of the adven- 
turous explorers of those days. Besides, the present expedition, 
with less than fifty men, was simply to ascertain with exacti- 
tude the locality of the city and its surroundings, with a view 
to a future return with the entire army. 

It appears that Coronado entered Quivira and that the people 
without murmur submitted to the authority of the superior race. 
At the furthest point that he reached in exploring the city, he 
erected a great cross with this inscription, "Francisco Vasquez 
de Coronado, Commander of an expedition, arrived at this place.'' 
The houses were generally circular, with roofs of straw, so ar- 
ranged as to be water-tight ; and outside, on top, many of them 
had a kind of cupola with an entrance, where the Indians sat or 
laid down. 

The exact situation of Quivira has been the subject of much 
investigation and controversy. Some suppose that the great river 
referred to was the Missouri and that the location was somewhat 
to the north of St. Joseph, where a number of branches come in 
from the east. One or two writers have placed it as far north 
as Council Bluffs, thus claiming that Coronado was the first Eu- 
ropean to enter Nebraska. The weight of opinion, however, 
seems to be that it was somewhere in northeastern Kansas, on 
the banks of a considerable river, Init whether as far east as the 
Missouri or on a smaller stream is uncertain. The description 
given shows it to have been not unlike other settlements of In- 
dians in that section of country, none of which were very perman- 
ent in character. 

The confusing of Quivira with the ruins of Tabira in Central 
New jNIexico, popularly called Gran Quivira, is the most serious 



CORONADO 77 

mistake in the otherwise very careful history of the "Spanish 
Conquest" by Gen. W. W. H. Davis. 

While Coronado and his little company had been making their 
long journey across the plains, the main army under Arellano 
had returned to Tiheux, taking a more southerly route than that 
by which they went, passing the salt lagunas in what is now Tor- 
rance county, and striking the Rio Grande considerably below 
the point at which they had crossed before. From Tihuex sev- 
eral expeditions were sent out during the absence of Coronado, 
one up the Jemez river as far as Jemez and thence to Yuque- 
yunque (near Chamita), and still further north to the large 
pueblo of Braba, re-named by the Spaniards Valladolid, and 
easily recognizable as the present pueblo of Taos ; and another 
exploring the country along the Rio Grande, to the south, a dis- 
tance stated to be 80 leagues, through the province of the Piros 
and discovering four towns not before visited, probably includ- 
ing the present Socorro and San Antonio. 

In August, Coronado and his little party returned to Cicuic, 
having traveled from Quivira by a better route in but forty days ; 
and continued to Tihuex, ■\\here he determined to devote the fall 
and winter to preparation for a grand expedition to be under- 
taken in the coming spring, not only to the land of Quivira, but 
to regions far beyond. On October 20, he addressed a long and 
interesting report to the king of Spain. Every effort was made 
to re-establish friendly relations with the natives of the country, 
and to re-clothe and recuperate the army for the spring cam- 
paign ; and when the winter was at an end, all were looking for- 
ward eagerly to the day of departure on their new and important 
mission. 

But on the very eve of their march, an accident changed the 
whole course of procedure. While Coronado was engaged, on a 
festival day at his favorite game of running at a ring, in com- 
pany with Don Rodrigo Maldonado, the saddle girth broke and 
he was thrown to the ground iimnediately in front of the horse 
of the latter and received a kick in the head which well-nigh 
proved fatal. As it was, he was confined to his bed for a con- 
siderable time, and meanwhile a feeling of despondency spread 



78 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

throughout the army. J\Iany of the officers were anxious for 
various reasons to return to Mexico, and a petition was handed 
to the general, asking an abandonment of the expedition. Cor- 
onado, himself, wearied with sickness, had begun to long for the 
pleasures of home, where he had left a young and charming wife, 
and promptly acceded to the request. Then a reaction took 
place in the army, and both officers and men endeavored to have 
the decision reversed, but it was too late. 

Early in April, 1542, the army set out on its homeward march. 
Two missionaries, Juan de Padilla and Luis de Escalona, es- 
pecially desired to remain and labor among the natives ; and con- 
sequently were left, with the best provision that could be made 
for their comfort. The former, it is said, was martyred close 
to Quivira ; and the other doubtless also wore the crown and palm, 
as nothing was heard of him by Espejo or others who afterward 
visited the country. At Cibola, a number of the Mexican In- 
dians, pleased with the country, concluded to remain and found 
new homes ; and here several of them were met forty years after- 
wards when Espejo reached that town. 

At Chichilticale, the army met re-enforcements and military 
stores, but too late to alter the programme of retreat; and, as 
soon as the Mexican settlements were reached, the forces began 
to melt away, the men returning to their homes by the shortest 
routes, so that when Coronado arrived at the city of ]\Iexico he 
could barely muster a hundred men. His lack of success caused 
him to be coldly received by the viceroy, who had built high 
hopes on the success of the expedition ; and soon after he was de- 
prived of his governorship, and never again takes a prominent 
place in history. 

Thus ended this expedition, which though it accomplished noth- 
ing of lasting importance, yet Mall always be of great interest 
as giving us through the excellent history of Castafieda and the 
narrations contained in the reports of Coronado and an anony- 
mous document called the Relacion del Suceso, the first accurate 
description of the towns, the people, and the customs of New 
Mexico, 



CHAPTER VII 

Friar Ruiz and Espejo 

Almost forty years passed after the unsuccessful expedition of 
Coronado, before any further attempts, of which we have certain 
knowledge, were made to penetrate into New Mexico. The ad- 
venturous spirits of that time had fresh fields enough in Central 
and South America to occupy all of their attention, without re- 
turning to any land which had already been the scene of failure. 

The next expedition was not military in its character, nor did 
it have the gratification of ambition or cupidity for its object; 
but it was undertaken by missionaries, whose sole object was the 
spread of the Gospel. 

Agustin Ruiz or Rodriguez, a Franciscan friar, laboring at 
San Bartolome, in northeastern Mexico, heard, in the year 1581, 
accounts of great provinces along the Rio Grande to the north 
which the Spaniards had never visited, and among whose in- 
habitants true religion was unknown. So interested did he be- 
come in these unknown nations, that he determined at all haz- 
ards to penetrate their country and carry to them a knowledge 
of Christianity. After some delay, he received the necessary per- 
mission from both civil and ecclesiastical authorities, and then 
lost no time in arranging to start on his mission. Two of his 
brothers in the order of St. Francis, Francisco Lopez and Juan 
de Santa Maria, resolved to accompany him ; and they were pro- 
vided with an escort of nine soldiers under a captain named 
Chamuscado, to whom were also entrusted the secular and prac- 
tical duties of inquiring as to any mines that might exist in the 
new country. Eight Indians and one half-breed accompanied 
the missionaries as servants. 

After a long northerly marcli of about five hundred miles they 



80 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

at length arrived among the Pueblo Indians of the Rio Grande 
Valley, and reached a town called Puara, or Puaray, then of 
much importance, but long since destroyed; and which was sit- 
uated about eight miles north of the present site of Albuquerque. 
At this point the soldiers absolutely refused to go further, on 
account of the danger encountered in a strange country, sur- 
rounded by Indians, and without means of retreat. The friars 
endeavored to persuade them to continue the journey; and the 
soldiers in turn tried to persuade the friare to retrace their 
steps to Mexico. Neither would yield, and so they separated : 
the soldiers of the crown returned to the ease and security of 
their garrison life, and the Soldiers of the Cross went forward, 
braving danger and death, to carry tlie words of salvation to the 
heathen regions beyond. 

The friars continued as far north as Galisteo, at that time 
an important pueblo ; and then concluded to send one of their 
number back to Mexico in order to bring more brethren into the 
field, which they found was too extensive for their small number. 
Brother Juan de Santa Maria was selected for the journey. He 
proceeded directly south toward El Paso, but on his way, when 
near the pueblo of San Pablo, he was killed by the Indians, while 
quietly resting under a tree. The other two settled in Puara in 
order to learn the Indian language together, but were soon sep- 
arated by the murder of Brother Lopez who was violently struck 
on the head, while engaged in prayer in a secluded spot. 

Friar Ruiz was now alone, and while he keenly felt his isola- 
tion and realized his danger, he resolutely determined to remain 
at his post. But his death was certain and unavoidable, for the 
destruction of all the missionaries had been decreed by the 
Pueblo authorities, and but a few days elapsed before he like- 
wise received a martyr's crown at the pueblo of Santiago. 

Thus ended this peaceful expedition into New INIexico by the 
death of the three devoted men wdio undertook the work. But 
their labors were not in vain, for the j^ermanent colonization of 
the country was the direct result of their action ; and the proverb 
that "the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church" was 



FRIAR RUIZ AND ESPEJO 81 

illustrated by the baptism within fifty years of over 34,000 In- 
dians, and the erection in New Mexico, in the same time, by 
brother Franciscans, of over forty churches. 

EsPEjo's Expedition 

No sooner had the Franciscans in Mexico heard from the re- 
turning soldiers of the peril in Avhieh the three missionaries were 
left, than they made an urgent appeal that relief might be sent. 
This reached the ear and touched the heart of Don Antonio de 
Espejo, a wealthy Spaniard engaged in mining at Santa Barbara, 
who generously offered himself and his fortune to the work, if 
an expedition could be regularly authorized. This was soon 
accomplished by obtaining an official license of authorization 
from Governor Ontrueros of New Biscay, which also included the 
right to enlist all the soldiers necessary for the success of the 
undertaking. 

Don Antonio was a man of great energy of character and lost 
no time in making preparations for the expedition. He enjoyed 
the confidence of the community to such an extent that soldiers 
hastened to enlist under his banner, and in a short time all was 
in readiness. On the tenth day of December, 1582, this expedi- 
tion commenced its march from San Bartolome, and moved 
directly north, through the present state of Chihuahua, toward 
New Mexico. On the way, after passing the Conchos river, the 
little army marched through two tribes, called Passaguates and 
Tobosos, before reaching the Rio Grande, but it was not until the 
valley of that river was entered that any high grade of native 
civilization was seen. Here the first province entered was called 
Humanos, which contained a number of large towns of superior 
construction, the houses being of stone, cemented with lime and 
mortar. This nation was so extensive that Espejo was twelve 
days in passing through their country'- ; and it appeared to have 
been visited by Cabeza de Yaca in his journey across the conti- 
nent, as the people mentioned having been taught certain things 
by three white men and a negro. 

Two other provinces were successively passed through, in both 



82 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

of which the people were well-dressed in chamois skins and cotton 
clothes, and had many ornaments made of feathers; and then the 
army had to traverse a long stretch of uninhabited country, and 
afterwards found themselves in beautiful groves of cottonwoods, 
and to the north of this entered an important province situated 
in the vicinity of the present pueblo of Isleta, of which that 
pueblo is probably one of the ancient towns. The houses here 
were four stories high and well-constructed, and the people not 
only wore clothing of cotton and deer-skins, but also boots and 
shoes, of which the soles were made of the stoutest and thickest 
leather. The people were very industrious, raising large quanti- 
ties of cotton in addition to the ordinary cereals ; one chief mak- 
ing Espejo a present of no less than four thousand bolls of cot- 
ton. This province contained ten towns. 

Proceeding up the valley, the Spaniards soon came near to 
Puara (called by Espejo Poala) and then for the first time 
learned of the death of the three friars. They were naturally 
much grieved to find that so far as sa"\dng their lives was con- 
cerned, the expedition was in vain. As much was heard, how- 
ever, of the richness of the surrounding country, it was deter- 
mined to make brief explorations in various directions before 
returning to Mexico. The first of these was made by Espejo 
himself with only two men, who traveled easterly for two days 
and found a province on the border of the great buffalo plains, 
containing eleven towns and forty thousand inhabitants, where 
the people had great herds of cattle, and the wealthier classes 
had considerable gold and silver in their houses. 

This encouraged him to undertake a much more important ex- 
pedition. He proceeded northerly up the Rio Grande to the pro- 
vince of the Queres Indians, where he found five villages, the 
population of which he estimated at 14,000. He then traveled 
westerly to a province called Cunames and which also contained 
five towns of which the pueblo of Zia was the most important. 
This town was at that time much larger than at present, and was 
built around eight market places or plazas, the houses being the 
best that the Spaniards had seen during their expedition, stuc- 



FRIAR RUIZ AND ESPEJO 83 

coed and painted with many colors. The people were well ad- 
vanced in civilization and among other manufactured articles 
showed curious and beautiful mantles, which attracted much at- 
tention from their visitors. Continuing westerly, Espejo next 
found a people whom he calls Amies and who are easily recog- 
nizable as being the Jemez Indians. They lived in seven towns 
quite similar to those previously seen and their number was com- 
puted to be thirty thousand. 

Fifteen leagues farther on the little expedition arrived at the 
point which is the most easily distinguishable in all the early 
chronicles, on account of its situation on the summit of a high 
rock. This was the pueblo of Aeoma, and its commanding posi- 
tion particularly impressed the Spaniards. Throughout the 
whole of this trip Espejo had been received with great hospitality, 
but in this respect the people of Acoma exceeded their neighbors, 
entertaining the Spaniards with their national games and dances 
and bringing presents of every kind they considered acceptable. 

After remaining three days at Acoma, Espejo proceeded direct- 
ly to Zufii, which he distinctly identifies as the place called Ci- 
bola by the preceding Spanish writers, following the same route 
taken by Coronado 's expedition on its return to I\Iexico ; and, on 
arriving at that important pueblo, was surprised to find three of 
the Mexican Indians who had remained there for the forty years 
since they were left by Coronado. These men, whose names were 
Andres of Culiacan, Gaspar of Mexico, and Antonio of Guadala- 
jara, had almost entirely forgotten their native language during 
their long sojourn at Cibola, but their delight on seeing the Span- 
iards can be imagined. They were anxious to be of any service 
possible, and so informed Espejo of a rich country in which the 
precious metals abounded and which was situated far to the 
westward on a great lake. They said that Coronado had been 
anxious to visit it, but could not, on account of the lack of water. 

This story was sulifieiently alluring to induce Espejo to make 
the attempt, which he did with nine soldiers, leaving the re- 
mainder of his little company at Zuni. After traveling twenty- 
eight leagues he came to a province which was undoubtedly the 



84 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

modern Moqui, whose population, with his usual over-estimate, 
he placed at 50,000. lie spent some days here, conciliating the 
natives, and then, having secured new guides who were acquaint- 
ed with the country beyond, he proceeded on the quest for the 
land of gold and silver. In this he was not without success, as 
he gives an enthusiastic description of a mine containing a vein 
of silver of remarkable width from which he took rich specimens 
with his own hands. This was in a mountainous region which 
must have been a little north of the modern Prescott, as his 
journey did not extend as far as the Colorado river, although he 
heard much of it from the Indian guides who endeavored to ex- 
cite his interest by telling him that it was eight leagues in width ! 
They also agreed with the reports that he had heard in Zufii as to 
the ''great lake," which must have been more imaginative even 
than the width of the river. 

But Espejo was now anxious to return, and so journeyed back 
to Zuiii where he found Father Beltran, and the soldiers left 
with him, in good health, and was rejoiced to be informed that 
they had so conducted themselves as to gain the friendship of all 
the natives. Nevertheless, they were impatient to see Mexico 
again, and so, after proceeding to his headquarters in the valley 
of the Rio Grande, he allowed them to return to their homes 
with one other soldier who desired to accompany them, leaving 
him with but eight companions in his further explorations. 

He now turned his attention northward and followed the banks 
of the Rio Grande until he found a province on the east of the 
river containing about 25,000 people, well-dressed and living in 
houses many stories in height. This was in a mountainous coun- 
try, which he called Ilubates, where there were many evergreens, 
and probably included that part of New Mexico which contains 
the Tehua Pueblos extending from Tesuque and Nambe to Santa 
Clara and San Juan. It could not have been further north, be- 
cause while here he heard of the towns of the Tanos, which he 
says were only one day's travel distant, and he proceeded to visit 
them, passing in the vicinity of Santa Fe and going as far as the 
pueblo of Pecos. The population of the Tanos province he places. 



FRIAE RUIZ AND ESPEJO 85 

from information received, at 40,000, although he did not visit 
all of the towns. Contrary to his usual experience, he was not 
received with cordiality by these people, who, on the contrary, 
refused to allow him to enter their towns ; and this seems to have 
led not only to discouragement but to a feeling of fear of what 
might occur if the Indians became really hostile. 

From his extended explorations Espejo was well satisfied of the 
wealth of the country and especially of its mineral riches, but he 
concluded that a much larger and more powerful expedition than 
that which he commanded was necessary to insure success in 
colonization or in conquest. So he decided to return to Mexico 
and look to the future for an opportunity of utilizing the store 
of information as to this new country in the north, which he 
called New Mexico. 

Instead of retracing his route in the Rio Grande Valley, he 
was induced by the advice of guides to follow the untried path 
down the Pecos river, and thus was the first European to explore 
the course of that stream. He calls it the "River of Cows," be- 
cause they — the buffaloes — were so numerous, that during the 
whole distance, they were found everywhere. Starting in the be- 
ginning of July he followed it almost or quite to the point where 
it enters the Rio Grande, and then, crossing the latter, proceeded 
by way of the Conchos to his home in New Biscay, where he 
arrived on September 20, 1583 ; and where he wrote an interest- 
ing "relacion" of his journey and the new country, of which he 
considered himself the first discoverer, to the viceroy of New 
Spain, who transmitted it to the king and his Council of the 
Indies. 



CHAPTER \T:II 

Attempts at Colonization, 1585-1598 

The discoveries of Espejo attracted universal interest, and his 
narration was immediately published in Spain and Rome, and 
within live years had been translated into French by Luc de la 
Porte and published in Paris in 15S8, and has since then appeared 
in many languages and editions. The immediate result of the 
news of these discoveries carried to IMexico first by Father Bel- 
tran and his companions and afterwards by Espejo himself was 
to arouse in several ambitious breasts a desire to conquer and 
colonize the regions thus made known. To do this legally re- 
quired an authorization either from the king or from the viceroy 
of New Spain, and applicants in considerable numbers soon ad- 
dressed themselves to those high dignitaries. 

The most natural applicant for this opportunity for fame and 
conquest was Espejo himself, and he made his appeal directly to 
the king, forwarding a full account of the success which had at- 
tended his previous efforts with a proposed plan of operations 
for a new expedition. His plan was to provide for permanent 
colonization by organizing a party of 400 men, the greater part 
to be soldiers, a hundred of whom should be accompanied by 
their wives and families; and taking with them large droves of 
cattle, horses, and sheep. The religious side of the enterprise was 
not to be neglected, as a number of Franciscan friars were to 
form part of the expedition, for the benefit of both colonists and 
natives. He stated that he had already expended ten thousand 
ducats on his previous expedition but he was now prepared to 
spend ten times that amount in the new enterprise ; and he of- 
fered ample security for the fulfillment of all the obligations 
assumed. For reasons which we cannot now understand, but 



ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION, 1585-1598 87 

which had their origin probably in the unfriendliness of the 
viceroy, this proposition was not accepted. 

About the same time, Don Francisco Diaz de Vargas, alguazil 
mayor of the city of Puebla de los Angeles, made a similar appli- 
cation, although his proposition was not so favorable, as it pro- 
vided that he should first visit the northern region with a party 
of fifty or sixty men, and, if an examination should show that 
colonization was desirable, he would then proceed with that work 
to a final success. Another aspirant for the honors of leadership 
was Don Cristobal ]Martin of the city of Mexico, who offered to 
fit out an expedition of two or three hundred men and to expend 
fifty thousand dollars of his own money in the exploration and 
colonization of New ]\lexico. Neither of these applications was 
successful, and so time passed until 1589 when Juan Bautista 
de Lomas, who had been very successful in mining adventures in 
New Galicia, and had occupied various public offices in that pro- 
vince, applied for official permission to march into New Mexico. 
He was a friend of the ATceroy and his application was recom- 
mended by that high official, but again a refusal was the answer 
which came from Spain. 

Castano de Sosa 

It is difficult to say how many years would have elapsed before 
any new expedition would have penetrated into New Mexico if 
every man ambitious to make the attempt had waited until he had 
the formal authorization of the king, but in the year 1590 Don 
Gaspar Castano de Sosa, who had held many offices in the colo- 
nies and was then lieutenant-governor of the pro\ance of Nueva 
Leon, concluded to act on the authority he already possessed, of 
colonizing the ^^cinity of the province in which he v/as holding 
office without further formality. The result was one of the most 
interesting expeditions of that time. 

He started from the town of Almaden on July 27, 1590, with a 
part}'- of no less than 170 ])ersons, including some women and 
children, and an ample supply of provisions. Taking a new 
route from that which had been pursued by any of his prede- 



88 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

cessors, he crossed the Rio Grande to the Pecos and then pro- 
ceeded up the valley of the latter until the advance guard o£ his 
expedition arrived at the pueblo of Pecos itself a few days before 
Christmas. This party was kindly received in the first place, but, 
after passing the night in the pueblo, they were suddenly attacked 
and driven out of town after three of their n amber had been 
wounded. Immediate information of this event was sent to Cas- 
tailo, who was encamped with the larger portion of his expedition 
at a point lower down on the Pecos, called IJrraca. Without 
delay he marched against the town with all his available force, 
and, after some parleying, made an attack on New Year's Day, 
which resulted in the capture of the place; but the Indians, as 
had been their custom ever since their earliest conflicts with the 
Spaniards, entirely deserted the town on the second night and re- 
tired to the mountains, leaving the Spaniards in undisputed con- 
trol of the vacant pueblo. We have another description of this 
interesting pueblo from the historian of this expedition, who 
tells us that it was composed of buildings four or five stories in 
height, built around five plazas and containing no less than six- 
teen estufas; and that the houses contained potteiy of much 
beauty and different from any which they had seen in IMexico. 
Castaiio found here an immense accumulation of corn, stored 
away according to the Pueblo custom, not only for use during 
that winter, but for any emergency that might occur thereafter, 
and which the Spaniards estimated to amount to 30,000 fanegas. 
A portion of this was sent to the non-military part of the expe- 
dition, then encamped at Urraca, and Castaiio then started with 
his troops to explore the remainder of the country. 

As nearly as we can ascertain, from the rather meagre descrip- 
tions in the report he afterwards wrote, he first marched north- 
westerly to the country north of Santa Fe and visited six pueblos 
which submitted without objection to liis claim of obedience. He 
then reached the Rio Grande where he visited two towns, one of 
which was prol)ably the pueblo of San Juan, and proceeded up 
the river until he came in sight of a very large pueblo where the 
houses were reported to be seven or nine stories high, and which 



ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION, 1585-1598 89 

was no doubt the present pueblo of Taos; but he did not enter, 
as the inhabitants presented a formidable appearance and the 
weather had now become so cold that the whole party was anxious 
to return to a warmer section. So they returned down the valley 
of the Rio Grande, crossing to two pueblos situated on the west 
side of the river, and afterwards re-crossing to another on the 
east, which may have been San Ildefonso. Continuing down the 
valley, they found four towns belonging to the Queres nation, 
very near together, three of which were probably Coehiti, Santo 
Domingo, and San Felipe. To two other pueblos which they 
visited in the same vicinity they gave the names of San Marcos 
and San Cristobal, but these may not have been the same places 
known by those names in more recent times, but were probably 
nearer to the Rio Grande. 

Having thus visited twenty of the Indian villages and explored 
the greater part of the Upper Rio Grande Valley, Castaiio con- 
cluded to establish a permanent colony to w^hich all of his party, 
including the women and the animals which had been left at Ur- 
raca, should be brought. This he established at San Marcos and 
on the eighteenth of February, 1591, all of the outlying parties 
had arrived and arrangements were made for the erection of per- 
manent buildings. Attention was then given to the mineral riches 
of the country, and exploring parties were sent out in various 
directions, which included the modern mining districts of the 
Cerrillos, the Ortiz, and the Tuerto Mountains. In the course 
of these joumeyings, two other pueblos were visited, which were 
probably those of Galisteo and San Lazaro, or the San Marcos 
pueblo of later times. 

As the country to the south had not yet been explored, another 
expedition was now sent down the river to the province of the 
Tihuas, in which the three Franciscans had been killed in the 
time of Friar Ruiz, and here they visited no less than nine Indian 
towns besides seeing five others, part of which Avere on the east 
and part on the west side of the river. Several of these were de- 
serted because the people were afraid that this new expedition of 
the Spaniards might have come to avenge the death of the priests. 



90 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Thus within less than a year Castano had visited almost all of 
the inhabited portion of New Mexico, and, without the loss of a 
single man, had obtained the control of no less than thirty-three 
pueblos; and we might well have dated the permanent coloniza- 
tion of New Mexico from this time and have hailed Castaiio as 
being the leader in its occupation, had not the jealousy of the 
authorities of Spain and Mexico brought to an untimely end this 
expedition which had achieved such remarkable success. For at 
this point Castaiio received news that there was another party of 
Spaniards which had invaded the country and was not far distant. 
He hailed this information with joy as he supposed that they 
were reenforcements, but on meeting the new comers he was sur- 
prised to find that they consisted of fifty soldiers under Captain 
Juan Morlete who had been sent with orders to arrest him for 
having undertaken this expedition without proper authority. He 
made no resistance but allowed himself to be placed in irons and 
re-conducted with his whole party to Mexico, thus abandoning 
the labors which had so nearly resulted in complete success. 

BONILLA AND HuMAKA 

One other unfortunate attempt at exploration desei-ves atten- 
tion before we come to the actual colonization of the country. 
About 1595, a party was sent out by the governor of New Biscay 
to punish certain northern Indians who had been committing 
depredations, the expedition being commanded by a Portuguese 
named Francisco Leiva Bonilla. After he had accomplished his 
mission, the ambitious Bonilla concluded to use his little force in 
the conquest of New Mexico and, if possible, to reach the ever- 
alluring Quivira. He marched through a part of New Mexico 
and then started easterly across the buffalo plains toward the 
object of his aspirations. Here a quarrel arose between himself 
and one of his lieutenants named Juan de Humaiia, which re- 
sulted in the death of the captain and in the assumption of the 
command by Humana. This man, whose ambition equ.jled that of 
his late commander, pressed on towards the east and succeeded in 
reaching a point on the great grassy prairie of Southern Kansas 



ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION, 1585-1598 91 

or Northern Oklahoma, which was ever after referred to on ac- 
count of its sad history as the "iMatanza." The Indians of that 
region had been patiently waiting for an opportunity to bring 
about his destruction and at this point they concentrated their 
forces, set fire to the grass which surrounded his camp, and then, 
just before daylight, rushed upon the half-awakened Spaniards 
and destroyed the entire party with the exception of one mulatto 
girl and a man named Alonzo Sanchez. The news of this disas- 
trous event spread with great rapidity among the wild tribes of 
the plains and to the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, and the ex- 
pedition is often referred to in subsequent history as that of "the 
unfortunate Humaila, ' ' the original leader being apparently for- 
gotten. A j\Iexican Indian, named Jose or Jusepe, had deserted 
the party before the final catastrophe and went to New Mexico, 
where he was seen years afterwards by Oilate and became of con- 
siderable service as an interpreter. 



CHAPTER IX 

The Conquest by Onate 

After this long series of fruitless efforts, success was at last 
to be attained under the leadership of Don Juan de Onate. This 
cavalier was a wealthy citizen of Zacatecas, whose ambition was 
so strongly excited by the reports from the new El Dorado at 
the north, that he made application in 1595 to Viceroy Ve- 
lasco for authorization to colonize the country, offering to take 
with him at least 200 soldiers and all the appliances for success, 
at his own expense. He was not only rich and popular but had 
special prestige on account of tbe brilliant reputation of his 
father, Don Cristobal de Oiiate, and his own marriage to Dona 
Isabel de Toboso, a grand-daughter of Fernando Cortez and a 
daughter of Montezuma. 

All this aided his application, and the permission, with accom- 
panying grants of power, was given in due time, on condition that 
the conquest and colonization should be completed within live 
years. 

Armed with this authority, Ofiate lost no time in organizing 
his expedition, the recruiting standard was set up in the Grand 
Plaza of the city of Mexico by Vicente Saldivar, a gallant nephew 
of Oiiate, and everything promised successful results, until the 
arrival of a new viceroy in the place of Velasco changed the as- 
pect of affairs, and instead of official encouragement, every ob- 
stacle possible was placed in the way of the expedition. 

Much delay was thus occasioned, and the final authorization 
from the king was not received till late in 1597, and meanwhile 
the army, which at one time numbered over 600 men, had be- 
come so reduced that barely 130 could be mustered for final in- 
spection. To meet the requirements of his contract, and yet 



THE CONQUEST OF ONATE 93 

avoid further delay, Oiiate arranged that eighty additional troops 
should be enlisted, to follow as soon as possible, and started on 
his march from San Bartolome on January 20, 1598, 

The little army was accompanied by a large number of fam- 
ilies for colonization, and all the provisions which seemed neces- 
sary for success ; it included ten Franciscan friars for the spirit- 
ual welfare of the new kingdom. Among the officers were a 
number of tried merit and of high distinction, including the two 
nephews of Onate, Juan and Vicente de Saldivar, and Captain 
Gaspar Villagra, a gallant soldier and the poet-historian of the 
expedition, to whom posterity is indebted for the most extensive 
epic ever written on early American history. This poem, entitled 
Historia de la Nueva Mexico, contains 33 cantos, constituting no 
less than 182 pages of ordinary modern print, and gives a minute 
as well as graphic narrative of all the events of the march, the 
conquest, and the colonization, from first to last. 

Proceeding slowly, on account of the colonists and their heavy 
wagons, the column crossed the Conchos, and marched through 
Chihuahua until, on April 20, it reached the Rio Grande about 
twenty-five miles below El Paso. At this point they rested for 
some days and then continued up the valley until the 30th of 
April, when a halt was made in a beautiful grove on the west 
bank ; and here, with elaborate ceremonies, Oiiate raised the royal 
standard of Spain, and formally took possession of New Mexico 
and all the adjoining provinces, for God and the king, and for 
himself as governor. The festivities ended at night with the per- 
formance of an original comedy written for the occasion by Cap- 
tain Farfan, which may be considered the introduction of the 
drama into the southwest. 

Four days later, on May 4, 1598, the expedition crossed the 
Rio Grande at the ford which has become famous as the Pass of 
the North (El Paso del Norte), and proceeded up the east side of 
the river. On the 25th, they were near Mesilla, and there Onate 
selected 50 or 60 of the most valiant and best mounted men, and 
with them pressed forward in advance of the inain body of the 
colonists, who could move but slowly, in search of food, which was 



94 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

already becoming scarce. Three days later he arrived at the fii*st 
of the Pueblo Indian towns, which were situated in the Socorro 
Valley and which were three in number. The tirst was near the 
present San Marcial ; the second is called Qualicu in the narra- 
tive of Villagra, but always thereafter is written Senecu, both in 
record and on map, and was christened San Antonio de Senecu 
by the Spaniards, and is the San Antonio of to-day ; and the third 
was called Teipana. In all of them they were hospitably received 
by the natives, and at Teipana they obtained such an amount of 
corn, most of which was sent back to the main body of the expe- 
dition, that on account of this timely succor the town was named 
Socorro. 

Having received this needed relief, Oiiate remained at Socorro 
and another pueblo a short distance above for some weeks, while 
his two nephews went on an expedition to the Piros towns to the 
east, of which Abo, Quarra, and Tabira (for some unknown 
reason now called "Gran Quivira") are the best known. 

Resuming the march, the governor and his party reached Puara, 
which had been the headquarters of Friar Ruiz, on June 28 ; 
and there the Franciscans found the portraits of the martyred 
Ruiz and Lopez, roughly drawn on a wall seventeen years before, 
and almost concealed by a coat of yeso whitewash. Oiiate went on 
to Guipui, renamed Santo Domingo, and there, on July 7th, he 
held a long conference with seven Pueblo chieftains, wlio claimed 
to represent no less than thirty-four pueblos, which resulted in 
the Indians kneeling and taking the oath of allegiance to the 
Spanish crown. 

On the 9th, he reached San Ildefonso, called Bove by the na- 
tives ; and on the 11th came to the beautiful valley at the junction 
of the Chama with the Rio Grande, where he found the pueblo 
of Caypa on the eastern bank of the river. The inhal)itants of 
this place showed so much kindness and hospitality, that the 
Spaniards added to the ecclesiastical name of San Juan the words 
"de los Caballeros" (of the gentlemen"), and the title San Juan 
de los Caballeros became the legal designation of the old pueblo 
of Caypa. 



THE CONQUEST OF ONATE 95 

The beauty and fertility of the valley, in addition to this warm 
reception, struck the attention of the Spaniards, and they imme- 
diately determined to make this the official centre of the new 
kingdom. The very next day, July 12, 1598, they commenced 
the building of the new capital on the west side of the Rio Grande 
between that river and the Chama, in a place called Yunque, by 
the natives, and named the infant city, San Gabriel. Here and 
across the river at the old pueblo of San Juan, Onate made his 
headquarters for some time ; and the ruins of the tirst capital of 
New Mexico may still be seen from the mndows of the passing 
train, at the modern station of Chamita. 

This date, July 12, 1598, may be considered as the birthday 
of European settlement in New Mexico; and its anniversary 
should be celebrated in the southwest, as the date of the landing 
of the Pilgrim Fathers on Plymouth Rock, on December 21, 1620, 
is annually observed wherever the memory of the founders of 
New England is venerated. 

"With characteristic energy Onate utilized every day while 
awaiting the arrival of the slow caravan of his colonists at San 
Gabriel. Between the 15th and the 20th of July he visited 
Picuris and Taos ; and then, turning southward, rode to San II- 
defonso, to the pueblos in the vicinity of Santa Fe, to Galisteo, 
and thence to Pecos, where he arrived on the 25th of July. Re- 
turning by the way of Santo Domingo, he traveled through Zia 
and Jemez, visiting some hot sulphur springs on the route ; and 
again found himself at San Gabriel August 10th. 

The long line of colonists was now arriving, and the last were 
in the new city by the 18th ; and then all hands were called on to 
aid in the building of the church — the first Christian temple in 
New Mexico. It did not need to be very large to meet present re- 
quirements, and the record shows that it was completed in two 
weeks ; but, if its size were small, the ceremonies of its dedication 
were made as elaborate as possible in order to impress the minds 
and hearts of the natives. These ceremonies took place on Sep- 
tember 8th, and at their conclusion there was a dramatic repre- 
sentation of a conflict between the Christians and the Moors, in 



96 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

which the former by the timely aid of St. James were gloriously 
victorious, to the great satisfaction of all the audience, both white 
and red. To cement the friendship of the Indians and afford 
them entertainment festivities were continued for an entire week ; 
all kinds of sports, both of the Spaniards and of the Pueblos, 
being indulged in, amid much rejoicing. 

Advantage was taken of this era of good feeling, and of the 
presence of large numbers of Indians from all directions, to hold 
a great meeting of the Spanish officials and ecclesiastics and the 
representatives of all of the pueblos that could be reached, under 
the grandiloquent title of "Universal Meeting of all the Earth" 
(Junta universal de toda la tierra). On this occasion their obli- 
gations both to Cross and Crown were elaborately explained to the 
Indians, and they acknowledged the sovereignty of the Spanish 
king, and agreed to receive the Franciscans as their religious 
guides ; though at the same time they tactfully suggested that the 
Spaniards certainly would not wish them to profess a belief which 
they did not yet comprehend. There were ten friars in atten- 
dance under Padre Alonzo Martinez, as comisario, and at this 
time he divided the whole inhabited territory of New Mexico into 
seven districts, each of which was assigned to one of the mis- 
sionaries. 

Having attended to all these ceremonials, Oiiate resumed his 
series of rapid journeys, by which he was determined to visit 
every portion of the new kingdom with the least possible delay. 
No subsequent governor of New Mexico has ever equalled the 
first of the long official line, in the thoroughness and rapidity 
with which he became personally acquainted with every part of 
the vast territory over which he presided, and this is the more 
notable when we remember that the country was then without 
roads except foot-paths. 

While Vicente de Saldivar was sent with a party of fifty men 
to explore the great Buffalo Plains to the east, Ofiate himseli 
started south to make a personal visit to the pueblos east of the 
Rio Grande in the Salinas country, at Abo, Tabira, etc., and not 
content with that, extended his journey into the land of the Ju- 



THE CONQUEST OF ONATE 97 

manos, who were a line-looking and an intelligent people al- 
though not belonging to the Pueblo family. From here he crossed 
the Rio Grande at Puara for a brief rest and to receive news of 
his colony and make arrangements for a further journey; and 
then started, on October 23, on the longest of his expeditions, 
extending not only to Acoma and Zuiii, but also far into Arizona 
to the land of the ]Moquis. 

He was received everywhere with apparent cordiality, all of the 
pueblos accepting the Spanish sovereignty without objection ; al- 
though it afterwards appeared that at Acoma a number of leaders 
had formed a conspiracy to kill the governor by luring him into 
an estufa where he would be defenseless ; and that he only escaped 
by fortunately declining to visit the chamber selected for his 
destruction. The Indians of Acoma considered their citadel im- 
pregnable, and had become altogether the most proud and self- 
confident of any of the Pueblo people ; and the war party among 
them was strongly opposed to even a peaceful and friendly sub- 
mission to the Spanish authority. The leader of this party was 
Zutueapan, an able and eloquent chieftain, who was determined 
to destroy the invaders, and who soon inflamed the minds of the 
people and controlled their actions. 

The wished-for opportunity soon arrived. Oiiate had left 
orders at San Gabriel, that as soon as Vicente Saldivar returned 
from his exploration, his brother Juan, who had been left in com- 
mand, should march with such soldiers as could be spared to re- 
inforce the governor on his western tour. He accordingly started 
on November 18th, following the route taken by Oiiate from 
Puara, by the way of Acoma. Here the Indians received him cor- 
dially and invited his little troup to the summit of their high 
mesa, to receive provisions; but no sooner were they scattered 
in various houses than a sudden attack was made. The Spaniards 
fought with desperation for fully three hours but were too greatly 
over-matched by numbers ; finally Zutueapan succeeded in killing 
Captain Saldivar himself with a terrific blow of his macana, and 
the surviving Spaniards, of whom there were only five, threw 
themselves down from the clifi' as the only chance of escape. By 



98 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

what seemed a miracle, four survived the tremendous fall. Three 
other's had escaped before ; and one had been left in charge of the 
horses when the party climbed up the steep mesa ; so there were 
eight men left to tell the tale. They sent a swift messenger to 
inform Ofiate of the catastrophe, and he speedily returned to San 
Gabriel to take measures to punish the rebellious pueblos. 

It was plain that this had to be done without delay, no matter 
at what sacrifice, or their prestige would be lost, and the whole 
country would rise against them and either destroy or drive them 
out. Yet the enterprise was a most dangerous and difficult one, 
on account of the almost impregnable character of the mesa of 
Acoma, which was a gigantic natural fortress. The mesa is com- 
posed of two perpendicular cliffs, connected by a narrow ridge, 
and to each cliff there is but one steep, almost inaccessible en- 
trance. A dozen resolute men, even if armed only with stones, 
could hold the main approach against the armies of the world, 
in the days before artillery changed the whole science of warfare. 

The enterprise was entrusted to Vicente de Saldivar, brother of 
the captain who had fallen, and he was given command of a little 
army of only seventy men, but each one selected for his bravery 
and prowess. No more gallant forlorn hope ever marched into the 
jaws of death than this little band which set forth from San 
Gabriel to avenge the death of their brethren and to uphold the 
honor of the Spanish arms. 

On the 21st of January, 1599, they came in sight of the great 
cliff', and could see upon the summit the crowd of warriors pre- 
pared to defend their families and their homes. Its perpendicu- 
alr walls seemed an insurmountable barrier that made capture 
impossible. And so they w^ere, against direct attack. But what 
might not succumb to force might be gained by cunning, and Don 
Vicente laid his plans accordingly. 

In the darkness of the night, with a dozen chosen comrades, he 
concealed himself in the clefts of the smaller cliff. Then at break 
of day, all the remainder of the little army, which seemed the 
whole, made a fierce attack on the main entrance to the larger 
mesa, desperately attempting to gain the summit, up the narrow 
passage, which is the only way of ascent. The Indians were pre- 



THE CONQUEST OF ONATE 99 

pared and easily withstood the attack, and soon hurled back the 
advance of the Spaniards. 

But meanwhile, all unseen, Saldivar's little band had gained 
the top of the other cliff and stood upon a level with their foes. 
Then came a fierce struggle at the narrow pass. More Spaniards 
followed Saldivar's dozen up the steep side of the small cliff; 
while others still endeavored to press their way up the larger 
one on which the village stands, and where the whole population 
of Acoma was assembled. Everywhere it was a hand-to-hand 
struggle; and to fall on either cliff or on the narrow ridge be- 
tween, meant swift destruction on the jagged sides of the rocky 
mesas or in the abyss below. Night came but brought no rest; 
and with the dawn of another day, came only a renewal of the 
fierce conflict. 

The Indians outnumbered the Spaniards more than ten to one, 
but the latter were clad in mail and carried the deadly fire-arms 
which could deal death beyond the reach of the macana. All that 
day the fight went on — and still the struggle was not decided. 
It was a battle full of deeds of valor and of daring, of giant trials 
of strength, like those immortalized in the Iliad ; and it had for 
its Homer the galant Villagra, who was in the midst of the fray. 

The third day came, and the Spaniards pressed the Indians 
back into their long line of terraced houses, and then these became 
a mass of flame and the inmates had to choose between two fright- 
ful kinds of death. In desperation they killed themselves or each 
other, or rushed out and threw themselves down the cliffs to sure 
destruction. For hours every Indian that could be seen was 
slaughtered. In all history there is no more desperate battle, 
nor ever one on such a dizzy height. Of over 3,000 Indians 
only six hundred were spared, and they were compelled to leave 
their home on the great rock, and settle on the plain. 

The moral effect of this great victory was immense. It com- 
pleted the conquest. There was no longer any danger of opposi- 
tion. By the Pueblo Indians, Acoma had long been considered 
impregnable. Now that it had fallen, there was no hope for suc- 
cess in any resistance elsewhere. Every pueblo acknowledged the 
Spanish authority. The conquest of New Mexico was complete. 



CHAPTER X 

Spanish Occupation, 159S-1680 

The conquest being accomplished, permanent settlement and 
colonization began, and, after the first year or two of comparative 
hardships, the Spaniards gradually spread into various sections 
of the Rio Grande Valley. 

Fortunately for the colonists, the Indians of the Tehua pueblos 
received them kindly, and gave material assistance in the building 
of the new Spanish town, without which many of the families 
would have suffered severely during the first winter, while they 
were still poorly protected, and before they could raise any crops 
for their subsistence. The Franciscans founded their first perma- 
nent monastery (convento), at the pueblo of San Ildefonso, near 
to Oiiate 's new city ; and from that as a central point missionaries 
traversed the country in all directions, and as rapidly as arrange- 
ments could be made, priests were permanently stationed and 
churches erected in all the principal villages. 

As a result of these efforts, the reports show that as early as 
1608 no less than 8,000 Indians had been baptized ; and by 1626, 
that number had increased to nearly 35,000. One single monk, 
of intense zeal and wonderful power among the natives — Gero- 
nimo de Zarate Salmeron, of Jemez — himself baptized the ex- 
traordinary number of 6,566 Indians at that pueblo, besides doing 
effective work in other directions. Others of the colonists, more 
bent on temporal things, explored the country from end to end 
for the precious metals — and with some success, for mines were 
found in various parts of the vast domain. The remains of an- 
cient workings, as well as the written history of those times, shows 
how enterprising were the "prospectors" of the eighteenth cen- 
tury; their labors extending from the Mexican boundary in the 



SPANISH OCCUPATION, 1598-1680 101 

south to Picuris and even to the Rio Colorado in the north, and 
leaving no mountain range unexplored. 

Oiiate, himself, showed great energy and executive ability both 
in the government of the colony and in his dealings with the 
natives. 

We have already seen the untiring energy with which, in less 
than five months after his arrival, he made a tour of all the 
Pueblo provinces, in which he visited nearly every town of im- 
portance, with a view of establishing amicable relations with the 
people. All of 1599 and 1600 were occupied in exploration, in 
extending the settlements and strengthening the positions al- 
ready occupied. 

It was evident that, in order to hold possession of so large a 
province, more soldiers and more colonists were necessary ; and to 
Christianize the people, more friars must aid in the work. Oiiate 
wrote to the viceroy in glowing terms of the prospects of new dis- 
coveries, and sent his letter by Captains Villagra, Farfan, and 
Pinero, whose spoken words were even more enthusiastic than 
the written ones of the governor. At the same time Padres Mar- 
tinez, Salazar, and Vergara went to Mexico to obtain spiritual 
reenforcements. The result was that the seventy-one soldiers 
that were lacking in Oiiate 's little army when it left New Biscay 
were supplied, and while Padre Salazar died on the journey and 
Padre Martinez did not return, about eight additional friars were 
sent under Padre Juan de Escalona. 

The governor now determined to attempt a more ambitious 
journey, and set out in June, 1601, on an expedition to the great 
city of the east — the famous Quivira. He took with him 80 
soldiers, and was accompanied by two friars for religious duties, 
and by Jose, the survivor of Humaiia 's expedition, who had been 
found at Picuris, as guide. After the long march across the 
plains, he reached the object of the expedition and succeeded in 
making a treaty of perpetual friendship between the Quivirans 
and the Spaniards. 

But while he was absent, many of the colonists became dis- 
couraged on account of the failure of the crops, and even the 



102 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

priests lost heart, and a number deserted the infant settlement 
and returned to Mexico. When Oiiate arrived he was greatly 
vexed at this conduct, and sent his nephew, Vicente de Saldivar, 
in hot haste to Mexico, to turn back the fugitives, and to repre- 
sent him before the viceroy. Don Vicente overtook the colonists 
and forced them to return, and then proceeded not only to IMexico 
but to Spain itself, to protect the interests of his uncle. 

The latter had lost none of his love of adventure, and not satis- 
fied with his expedition to the far east, determined to explore the 
unknown region to the west, if possible as far as the ocean itself. 
He set out on October 7, 1604, with 30 soldiers and two priests, 
and first visited Zuiii and then the pueblos of the Moqui pro- 
vince, and finally reached a small stream which he called San 
Andres, and followed this down to the Colorado river itself, which 
he called "Rio de Buena Esperanza" (Good Hope). Onate was 
the first European to follow that great stream to its mouth, and 
in the course of the journey he found many different tribes of 
Indians. He crossed the Gila where it unites with the Colorado 
and proceeded down the valley to the Gulf of California, where 
he was delighted with the fine harbor surrounding an island, and 
capable, he writes, of containing a thousand vessels. This expe- 
dition was of the greatest importance in determining the distance 
of the settlements on the Rio Grande from the western shore of 
the continent, but it was absolutely barren of practical results. 
It returned by the same general route that it had followed west- 
ward to San Gabriel, where the soldiers arrived after many pri- 
vations and being reduced to the necessity of eating their horses, 
on April 25, 1605. 

In 1605 occurred the removal of the capital from San Gabriel 
to Santa Fe. It seems strange that we have no record of so im- 
portant an event as the establishment of the Royal City (Villa 
Real) in its sheltered spot in the foothills on the western slope of 
the Rocky Mountains ; but the great conflagration in the centre of 
the Plaza, in 1680, which signalized the Pueblo triumph, de- 
stroyed many a memorial of the past, as well as the symbols of 
Christianity and Spanish authority. 



104 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Whatever was the cause of the change or the method of selec- 
tion, time has certainly demonstrated the wisdom of the choice; 
as all the experience of three hundred years has shown no locality 
so charming and salubrious in its climate, and so free from the 
wind and storm of winter and the heat and insect pests of sum- 
mer, in all the wide southwest. 

The exact day we do not know, but the year 1605 is certain. 
Fray Alonzo de Posadas so states in his report to the king, in 
which he says that Oiiate carried with him to the new capital, a 
number of soldiers and several Franciscan friars, of whom the 
chief was Padre Francisco de Escobar. 

The seat of government certainly remained at San Gabriel until 
that year. An interesting document which gives authority to 
Vicente de Zaldivar and Gaspar de Villagra to represent the 
people before the king of Spain is dated at San Gabriel, October 
4, 1603, and is executed by the Cabildo, Justicia, Regidores de La 
Villa de San Gabriel de Nuevo Mexico, showing that the local 
authorities were all present; and on April 25, 1605, according to 
Salmeron, Oiiate returned from his expedition to the Colorado 
of the West, to the old capital on the Rio Grande. 

For three-quarters of a century after this removal of the capi- 
tal, the records that we have of the history of New Mexico are 
quite meagre, for the reason above stated. The growth of the 
colony was slow, as very few cared to leave the trich tropical 
climate of Mexico to endure the privations of frontier life in the 
northern province, now that the romance of exploration and dis- 
covery and the hope of great mineral riches was dissipated. 

In 1606, we are told that a party of 800 Indians from Quivira 
came to Santa Fe to return the \asit made by the Spaniards live 
years before, and to ask aid in a war which they were then 
waging; and brouglit with them to Oiiate an Axtao prisoner, who 
was subsequently taken to Spain and presented to the king, at- 
tracting great attention wherever he journeyed. 

There seems little doubt that Ofiate ceased to be governor in 
1608 and was then succeeded by Don Pedro de Peralta. The 
former had encountered a series of difficulties and disappoint- 



SPANISH OCCUPATION, 1598-1680 105 



ments. The "vdceroy of New Spain v/as not always friendly, and 
there was frequent friction with the friars. The expense of the 
expedition and colonization had been enormous and had depleted 
his fortune. The contract with the Crown, under which the expe- 
dition had been undertaken, provided for the succession of his son 
to his office and honors; but nothing of that kind took place, and 
apparently the contract was entirely abrogated and New Mexico 
placed on a level with other royal provinces, as two chroniclers of 
the day, Calle and Betancur, tell us that the new governor re- 
ceived a salary, and that in that year the king began to support 
both soldiers and priests. 

There are chronicles of a second expedition to the eastern 
plains by Ofiate in 1611, and of another by Vicente de Saldivar 
to the Grand Caiion in 1618, but these are of doubtful authority 
and may only be versions of the previous explorations. 

In 1617 the Cabildo of Santa Fe petitioned the king for aid 
for the new settlement. 

One of the most interesting inscriptions on the celebrated Moro 
Inscription Rock, east of Zuiii, relates to this period, and as pic- 
tured in Simpson's report, from drawings made on September 
17, 1849, reads as follows, many words being abbreviated : 

' ' Governor and Captain-General of the Province of New Mexico, 
for our Lord, the King, passed by this place, on his return from 
the pueblos of Zuiii, on the 29th of July of the year 1620, etc." 

In 1621, the Franciscan Missions, which claimed 16,000 con- 
verts among the Indians, were organized as the ' ' Custodia of the 
Conversion of St. Paul," and Padre Alonzo Benevides came as the 
first custodio, bringing with him twenty-seven friars. He was an 
indefatigable worker, and made a lengthy report as to the condi- 
tion of the people and provinces of New Mexico in 1626, which is 
altogether the best source of information as to that period. He 
describes each ''nacion" separately; and gives particular ac- 
counts of the mines of Socorro, the Villa de Santa Fe, the fishing, 
hunting, agriculture, and climate of the country ; and all this 
was immediately transmitted by the commissary-general of the 
Franciscans in Mexico to King Philip IV, and printed in Madrid 



106 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

iu 1630. He tells us that at that time there were 250 Spaniards 
in Santa Fe, though only 50 could do military service on account 
of lack of arms ; and there were also 700 Indians and half-breeds 
living there ; and he says that the friars taught both Spaniards 
and Indians "to read and write, to play on musical instruments 
and sing, and all arts of politeness." He adds, "This place, 
though cold, is the most fertile of all New Mexico. ' ' 

Two governors are mentioned during this period — Felipe Zo- 
tylo and Manuel de Silva — ■ of whom we know little more than 
the names, except that Governor Silva went to Zuiii in August, 
1729, and left an inscription there which is his best monument. 
After them came Luis de Rosas in 1 641 , a governor Valdez, Alon- 
zo Pacheco de Heredia, Fernando de Arguello in 1645, and Luis 
de Guzman; which brings us down to 1650. 

During much of this period there was increasing friction be- 
tween the civil and the religious authorities; the friai*s claiming 
almost absolute power in matters connected with the Indians, and 
the governors vigorously resenting this interference with their 
authority. Each side complained of the other to the higher 
powers in Mexico and Spain, and long controversies resulted. 
Governor de Rosas was stabbed to death in 1641 or 1642, and this 
was said to be in connection with the difficulties just referred to. 
About this time the Inquisition was introduced, and this added to 
the friction between the ecclesiastics and the governor. Mean- 
while the Indians were becoming more and more restless under 
the heavier burdens of the Spanish rule. 

For a number of years after the colonization, the best of feel- 
ing existed between the native Pueblos and the newcomers ; but, 
as time went on, the Spaniards began to exact as duties those ser- 
vices which had at first been rendered from kindness. Little by 
little they assumed greater powers, introduced European laws, 
and punished the natives for the least infraction of a foreign code 
of which they had never heard. The favorite penalty v/as slavery, 
as that provided the labor of which the colonists stood in need, 
especially in the mines, where the servitude was of the most harsh 
character. At the same time, the early Franciscans, who came as 



SPANISH OCCUPATION, 1598-1680 107 

true missionaries, actuated by love, and easily won tlie hearts of 
the people, were succeeded by ecclesiastics of a more severe type, 
who sought to convert the natives by compulsion, and introduced 
the Inquisition and various forms of punishment, in order to 
compel the universal observance of their religion. 

Under all the circumstances, the Pueblos, who had lived for 
generations an easy life of freedom and happiness, until the com- 
ing of the pale-faced strangers, naturally changed in their feel- 
ings from welcome and hospitality to hatred and a determination 
to expel the invaders whenever opportunity should be presented. 
The middle of the seventeenth centurj' was filled with a success- 
sion of revolts and conflicts arising from this state of affairs. 
Many of these were local and easily ended, but others were well- 
arranged and formidable. As one after the other attempt failed, 
either from lack of cooperation or because the project was di- 
vulged prematurely, the Indians learned that only by united and 
secret action was success to be achieved ; and preparations for such 
an uprising were cautiously discussed, year after year, at the 
great Pueblo festivals. 

About 1645, forty Indians were hung on religious grounds and 
many others were flogged and imprisoned, and this brought about 
a revolt, which however was short-lived. 

Fernando de Ugarte y la Concha became governor in 1650, and 
shortly afterwards a plot was fortunately discovered by which 
the Pueblos and Apaches were to kill all of the soldiers, on the 
night of Holy Thursday, when all would be in church. 

Shortly after this occurrence, there were conspiracies and ris- 
ings among the Piros. In all of these cases the punishments were 
very severe. 

In 1653, Juan de Samaniego was appointed governor, and was 
succeeded by Enrique de Avila y Pacheco in 1656, and he by Ber- 
nardo Lopez de INIendizabal. The last named became involvel in 
warm disputes with the officials of the Inquisition, and finally re- 
signed in 1660. He was succeeded by Diego de Pefialosa. 

Whatever may have been his failings, Peiialosa was altogether 
the most picturesque character among all the New Mexican gov- 



108 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

ernors in the century between Onate and De Vargas. The earliest 
document in the Archives of New Mexico, and the only one dated 
before the Pueblo Revolution, is signed by him. How it survived 
the conflagration of 1680 no one knows ; but, brief as it is, it re- 
flects credit on his administration. It orders that the Pueblo 
Indians be not obliged to work in spinning or weaving without 
the governor 's license ; that friendly Indians be well treated, but 
that wild tribes be not admitted to the town but compelled to 
lodge outside. 

Pefialosa was a man of fine appearance and engaging manners, 
which made him many friends ; very ambitious and of great as- 
surance; and he had acquired large wealth which was left in 
Mexico when he came as governor to Santa Fe. With much 
energy he took up the duties of the office, visited various parts of 
the territory, and went as far west as Zuni and Moqui, and 
planned many expeditions abroad as well as new settlements and 
improvements at home. But the troubles and collisions with the 
officials of the Inquisition, which had driven his predecessor out 
of office, were soon revived with increased virulence, and for some 
special cause of offense, we are told that he finally arrested the 
commissary-general and imprisoned him for a week in the Palace. 
This was not forgotten nor forgiven ; and when, soon afterwards, 
he went to the City of Mexico, to consult with the viceroy, the 
high officials of the Inquisition there had him thrown into prison 
and subjected him to a ruinous fine, and he was only set at liberty 
on making a public apology and a humiliating act of contrition. 

He again endeavored to interest the viceroy and even the king 
in a grand scheme of conquest, but being unsuccessful, he went to 
Paris and applied to the French government to take up the pro- 
ject, and there presented the narrative of a most remarkable ex- 
pedition purporting to have been made by himself, in 1662, from 
Santa Fe to Quivira ; the whole apparently reported by a chaplain 
of his little army to the king of Spain. This was considered genu- 
ine and of much historic value, until recent investigation showed 
that it was entirely imaginative except as founded on the report 
of Onate's expedition of 1601. 



SPANISH OCCUPATION, 1598-1680 109 

After Pefialosa, in 1664, came Fernando de Villanueva as gov- 
ernor, and he was succeeded by Juan de Medrano, Juan de Mi- 
randa, and Juan Francisco Treviiio. This brings us down to 1679, 
when Antonio Otermin was appointed. 

Meanwhile the wild tribes of Indians of the plains, the Apaches 
of various names, began to make incursions and to fall upon the 
defenseless settlera and entire villages. The bad feeling between 
the Spaniards and the Pueblos became intensitied by various 
grievances of which both parties complained, but especially by 
the severity accorded to the Indians. What they most needed 
was a leader of acknowledged ability, and in the excitement which 
followed the severe punishment of 47 Indians for alleged witch- 
craft, in 1675, a man came into general notice who seemed by his 
fearless intrepidity as well as by his good judgment well fitted for 
the task. His name was Pope, of the pueblo of San Juan ; and we 
shall hear much of him hereafter. 



CHAPTER XI 

The Puehlo Revolution 

At the end of Chapter X mention is made of Pope, who first 
came into general notice by his action in 1675. From that time 
he seems to have been regarded as a leader, and was untiring in 
his endeavors to nnite the whole Pueblo population in a general 
uprising against the Spaniards. 

With this view he traveled from town to town, urging a forget- 
fulness of old jealousies, and using his wonderful eloquence to 
great effect. He was ably seconded in this by several other na- 
tives of large influence, prominent among whom were Catiti, of 
Santo Domingo, Jaea of Taos, and Taeu of San Juan. By their 
efforts the whole Indian population w^as brouglit into a condition 
of preparation and only waited for an opportune moment to 
strike a decisive blow. There is some doubt as to the occasion of 
tlie final rising, but the tradition is so general that we can hardly 
think it without foundation, tbat the caving in of the shaft of a 
silver mine, and the consequent burying alive of a large number 
of Pueblo Indians who had been forced to labor there, was the 
"last straw" which exhausted the long-tried patience of the na- 
tives, and precipitated the revolt. 

The day finallj^ fixed on by the leaders for the uprising was 
August 10, 1680, and swift messengers were sent to every Pueblo 
town to carry the information and call for its cooperation. 
"Warned by previous failures, every means was used to secure 
secrecy. Not a woman Avas entrusted with the secret, and so 
intense was the feeling that Pope killed with his OM'n hand his 
son-in-law Nicolas Bua, the governor of San Juan, because he 
was believed to be disloyal. But even all these precautions did 
not suffice, for on the eighth of August two Indians of Tesuque, 



THE PUEBLO EEVOLUTION 111 

which was so near to Santa Fe that the Indians wer-e specially 
intimate with the Spanish authorities, revealed the whole plot to 
Governor Otennin, and other Indians at San Lazaro and San 
Cristobal gave information to Father Bernal, the Franciscan cus- 
todio. 

The fact that they were betrayed was almost immediately 
known by the Pueblo leaders, who saw that their only chance of 
success now lay in inunediate action. Orders were consequently 
issued to that effect, and were so swiftly carried, that that very 
night in all the pueblos, except those far distant, every Spaniard 
was slaughtered without regard to age or sex, except a few girls 
reserved for wives for the young braves. The news of this gen- 
eral massacre naturally created the utmost consternation at the 
capital and in all the Spanish towns. Otermin sent messengers 
through the territory directing the people at the north to concen- 
trate at Santa Fe, and those of the south at Isleta, and imme- 
diately set about fortifying the capital. 

jMauy of the Spaniards reached these cities of refuge, but a still 
larger number, found in their houses or on the roads, were slain. 
Those living in the extreme north, finding it impossible to reach 
Santa Fe, assembled at Santa Cruz, and endeavored to fortify 
the town; but on the eleventh the Indians carried it 1)y storm 
and massacred all who were found there. 

By this time the people of every pueblo were on the war-path 
and news came to the governor from all quarters of approaching 
armies. The men from the Tanos pueblos were marching from 
the south, while the Tehuas had united near the Rio Tesuque 
and were hourly expected from the north. The city of Santa Fe 
was transformed into one great fortification. The outlying houses 
were abandoned, and all the inhabitants gathered in the plaza, 
the entrances to which were closed and fortified, and the palace 
put into condition to stand a siege. All recognized that it was a 
life and death struggle, for the war was one of extermination. 

Before the preparations were completed, the Tanos Indians 
were seen marching over the plains from the south. The governor 
sent out envoys to endeavor to treat with them before their north- 



112 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

ern allies appeared, but without success. They would only make 
peace on condition that the Spaniards should immediately leave 
the country. This attempt having failed, Otermin determined to 
make an attack and endeavor to gain a victory before the Tehuas 
should arrive; and an immediate sortie was therefore made. A 
desperate battle ensued, the Indians fighting with great energy, 
and the Spaniards having gradually to bring out their whole force 
to take part in the contest. Tlie destruction of the natives was 
terrific, but by their superior numbers they were able to hold 
their ground, the fight continuing all through the day, until the 
appearance of the Tehuan army on the hills to the north of the 
city compelled Otermin to withdraw his forces within the walls 
and prepare for the combined attack to be expected on the 
morrow. 

No such assault however took place; the Indians had learned 
discretion from their recent experience and preferred the surer 
and safer method of a regular siege. They invested the city 
closely on all sides, and then cut off the water supply, which soon 
produced great distress. The number of fighting men among the 
Spaniards was not great, and was being gradually reduced by 
wounds and fatigue, while the Pueblos were constantly reenforced 
by fresh arrivals. As there was no hope of relief from without, 
and a continuance of the siege meant sure destruction, the Span- 
iards finally determined to make a sortie in force ; and this was 
gallantly executed on August 19th, the Indians being forced back 
with the loss of forty-seven prisoners. But even such successes 
were too dearly bought, and though the Spaniards executed all 
the prisoners in the Plaza, yet a council of war concluded that in 
view of their reduced condition and the scarcity of provisions it 
would be better to evacuate the town while the coast was clear. 
Preparations were accordingly made during the night of the 20th, 
and at early dawn the next morning, the whole population mourn- 
fully left the town, and started on their long and toilsome march 
to the south. There were not even horses enough to carry the 
sick and wounded, so that all the women and children as well as 
the men had to proceed on foot, carrying all their personal prop- 



THE PUEBLO REVOLUTION 113 

erty, as well as provisions, in bundles on their backs. Meanwhile, 
the Indians stolidity viewed them from the surrounding hills, mak- 
ing no attack, but apparently well content so long as the intruders 
were leaving the country. They followed the retreating band for 
about 70 miles in order to see that they were actually proceeding 
south, and then returned to their homes to enjoy the independence 
in both civil and religious matters of which they had been de- 
prived for nearly a century. 

The Spaniards continued their march down the river, hoping to 
find their countrymen from the southern part of the province at 
Isleta ; but were disappointed in this, as they had already left in 
charge of the lieutenant-governor for El Paso. The provisions 
were almost exhausted and none were to be found on the route, so 
that at length they were compelled to stop and send south for 
assistance. The call was responded to by Father Ayeta, of El 
Paso, who sent four wagon-loads of corn, and thus partially re- 
lieved, the fugitives continued their retreat, joining their south- 
ern brethren on the road, and finally selecting San Lorenzo, twelve 
leagues above El Paso, as their winter quarters. Here they built 
rude houses, but suffered many privations, both from cold and 
hunger, and lost a large fraction of their number who sought a 
less unhappy life in the villages of Chihuahua. 

The Spaniards who were left behind in various parts of New 
Mexico, were with scarcely an exception killed after their coun- 
trymen had abandoned the country. Especially did the priests, 
against whom and the Christian religion the Pueblos were greatly 
incensed, suffered horrible deaths — those at Zuni, Moqui, Jemez, 
and Acoma being among those thus left to a dreadful fate. 

The Franciscan order never had suff'ered such a loss from the 
martyrdom of its members as at this time. No less than twenty- 
one gave up their lives on that fatal tenth of August, 1680. On 
the first of March of the succeeding year a great memorial service 
was held in the cathedral of the city of Mexico, in the presence 
of the viceroy and other high officials, when a commemorative 
sermon was preached by Doctor Ysidro Sariiiana y Cuenca, in 
which each of the twenty-one martyrs is named, together with 



114 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

the place of liis death. A copy of this sermon, printed in 1681, 
is in the possession of the Historical Society at Santa Fe, which 
has published a translation. 

Tlius in the brief space of a few weeks the work of years was 
undone, not a Spaniard remaining in freedom in the province, 
and the old Pueblo authority was everywhere supreme. The new 
rulers were determined to obliterate every trace of the domina- 
tion of their enemies. At Santa Fe the churches and monastery 
of the Franciscans were burned amid the wildest acclamations. 
The gorgeous vestments of the priests were worn in derision by 
the natives and then destroyed. All the official documents and 
books were brought forth from the palace and burned in one vast 
bon-fire in the Plaza ; and there also they danced the "cachina" — 
for many years prohibited — with all the superstitious ceremonies 
of the old religion. In every way possible their detestation of 
Christianity was shown. Those who had been baptized were 
washed with amole in the Santa Fe river, in order to be cleansed 
from the infection of Christianity. Baptismal names were dis- 
carded, Christian marriages annulled, the mention of the name 
of Jesus and IMary prohibited, and estufas were everywhere sub- 
stituted for the destroyed churches. In addition to this, the use 
of the Spanish language was m.ade an offense; and in order to 
prevent any possibility of the re-establishment of the slavery in 
the mines, every shaft was filled up and their very locations ob- 
literated. 

Pope, who bad been the leader throughout the revolution, was 
now by common consent continued in authority; he established 
himself in the palace at Santa Fe. In anticipation of a Spanish 
invasion in the spring, he made a tour of all the Pueblo cities in 
order to cement the union among them and prepare for the ap- 
proaching struggle. He showed nmch wisdom in his public ad- 
ministration but gradually became more and more arrogant and 
dictatorial until he created many enemies. 

Meantime Governor Otermin was using every endeavor to or- 
ganize an expedition to re-conquer the country. Lack of ammuni- 
tion and provisions, and the long delays in obtaining the neces- 



THE PUEBLO EEVOLUTION 115 

sary authorization, caused almost a year to pass before he was 
ready to march; but at length on November 5, 1681, he set out 
from Paso del Norte with 146 mounted soldiers, together with all 
the able-bodied refugees and 112 friendly Indians, the entire 
party having nearly a thousand horses. He marched rapidly up 
the river, passing through Socorro and other villages, all of which 
were found burned and in ruins, and stopped at Isleta, where the 
remaining inhabitants, 1,157 in number, after brief resistance, 
returned to their allegiance to church and king. From here, on 
December 8, he sent a company of picked cavalry under General 
Mendoza to reconnoitre the country to the north ; and he, rapidly 
proceeding up the valley, found only deserted pueblos, tlie in- 
habitants of which fled at his approach. 

He arrived as far as Cochiti without meeting an enemy, but 
there found the Indians in force, on the surrounding hills, under 
command of Catiti. Several days were occupied in negotiations 
for peace, the Indians meanwhile constantly increasing in num- 
ber, until Mendoza, suspecting treachery, deemed it wise to return 
to the main army, which he met at Sandia. Meanwhile the 
weather had become very severe, and the pro\asions being nearly 
exhausted it was thought best to return to Isleta for the winter; 
but on arriving there, it was found that the men were so greatly 
enfeebled that the retreat was continued to El Paso, where they 
arrived about the middle of February ; the re-Christianized In- 
dians of Isleta, to the number of 385, accompanying them for 
fear of the vengeance of the other Pueblos. 

This failure on the part of Otermin seems to have led to his 
removal as governor, Bartolome de Estrada Ramirez being ap- 
pointed in his place in 1683. The latter did not even attempt a 
re-conquest, and in August of the same year was succeeded b\ 
Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate, who organized at least two 
important expeditions, and many others of less interest, and in 
1689 penetrated as far as Zia, but did not succeed in any per- 
manent occupation. 

Thus for a number of years the country was left in the pos- 
session of its aboriginal inhabitants — but after the fi'st patriotic 



116 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

fervor had cooled, dissensions arose among them, and during al- 
most the entire period, a state of war existed between n;ore or less 
of the pueblos. They suffered for lack of corn, caused by 
droughts and by inattention to planting ; and the consequent fam- 
ine caused the desertion of a number of towns, and the destruction 
of others, supposed to be well-supplied, by their more hungry 
neighbors. In short, this people who had ruled themselves so ad- 
mirably down to the time of the Spanish occupation, seemed dur- 
ing the half century of their subjugation to have forgotten their 
old wisdom and become entirely unfitted for self-government; 
and thus, instead of consolidating their power, they prepared the 
way by dissension and mutual destruction, for an easy re-conquest 
by their enemies. 

The Pecos, Queres, and. Taos Indians waged war against the 
Tehuas and Tanos. At one time Pope was superseded by Tupatu 
as chief executive; but Pope was reinstated and continued in 
power till he died, when Tupatu was chosen as his successor. 



CHAPTER XII 

The Re-Conquest 

In the spring of 1592, the viceroy of New Spain determined, if 
possible, to bring about the re-occupation of New Mexico, and 
appointed as its governor a man of great energy and decision of 
character, Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponce de Leon. This 
official immediately showed the Avisdora of his choice by the 
promptitude of his action. Althougli greatly disappointed at 
the inadequacy of the force he was enabled to muster, which 
amounted to but two hundred Spaniards and one hundred friend- 
ly Indians, yet he decided not to delay, but to strike a blow at 
once, while it would be unexpected and therefore effectual. 

Accordingly, he left Paso del Norte on August 21, 1692, and 
marched so rapidly up the E-io Grande valley, stopping only for 
necessary rest, that in less than twenty-three days he arrived 
before Santa Fe, which he approached early in the morning of 
September 13th. He found the town walled and full of Indians, 
who had especially fortified the massiA^e palace. The first act of 
the Spaniards was the very important one of cutting off the water 
supply from the river, and then throughout the day negotiations 
were carried on, De Vargas using every effort to conciliate the 
Indians and avoid a conflict. At first all overtures were unsuc- 
cessful, and meanwhile the hills around were becoming covered 
with armed men from the adjacent pueblos, who had come to the 
aid of their brethren. 

Finally peacefal measures prevailed, a number of Indians 
came out to greet the general, and the next morning he was in- 
vited to enter the town. This he did, with Father Corvera and 
six unarmed soldiers, and proclaimed that he had authority to 
pardon all past offenses if the people would now return to their 



118 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

allegiance to church and king. The royal banner was then un- 
furled and De Vargas formally took possession of the kingdom of 
New Mexico in the name of King Charles II. 

The next important event was the submission of Luis Tupatu, 
who since tlie deaths of Pope and Catiti had been the chief of 
the Pueblos. He came from San Juan and accompanied De Var- 
gas on his marches to the other pueblos, having great influence in 
securing a favorable reception for the Spaniards. The moral 
effect of this rapid and signal success was quickly seen in the 
voluntary surrender of no less than twelve adjacent pueblos. 

Only waiting long enough at the capital to make the necessary 
arrangements for the new government, Vargas started on an expe- 
dition against Taos, the most hostile of the pueblos, and marched 
so rapidly that he arrived there and surrounded the two great 
buildings on the third day from Santa Fe. It was then discovered 
that the pueblo was entirely deserted ; but the governor soon suc- 
ceeded in inducing the Indians to return, not only to their homes 
but to their allegiance to the Spanish crown and the Christian 
faith, no less than ninety-five being baptized at one time. This 
done, he returned to the capital, liaving been absent but eight 
days, and not losing a single man. 

Scarcely taking time to rest, he next started, on October 17, on 
a very extensive expedition, whicli included Pecos, Santo Do- 
mingo, Cochiti, Zia, Jemez, and Santa Ana, at all of which places 
he was received with acclamation, and re-established the Spanish 
authority. Finding much of the fall still left, he concluded to 
visit the more distant pueblos as well ; and so, starting from 
Santa Ana on October 30, with but eighty-nine soldiers, he 
marched to Isleta, Acoma, Zufii, and even to all the Moqui towns 
except Oraybi, succeeding everj^wliere, by tact rather than by 
force, in inducing the people to return to their allegiance in ex- 
change for a pardon from the king and absolution from an ac- 
companying priest. 

From Zuiii, on his return, he took a short and direct route to 
Socorro, and from there went to El Paso, in order to collect the 
families that had been exiled since 1680, and tlie other colonists 



THE RE-CONQUEST 119 

who were to re-settle the county. lie arrived on December 20, 
1692, but much delay occurred in the business, so that it was not 
till October 13 of the next year that the unwieldy company, con- 
sisting of fifteen hundred persons largely composed of women and 
children, with three thousand horses and mules and all the bag- 
gage of colonists, commenced its march. No less than seventeen 
Franciscans accompanied this expedition. 

Vargas had hoped to find the Indians as favorably disposed 
as W'hen he left them, but meanwhile reports had been circulated 
that he was going to return to execute vengeance upon them, and 
at a great council a majority had decided to resist his approach. 
There was, however, a great diversity of opinion among the 
pueblos, and the consequent lack of unity of action deprived 
their opposition of any great force. Santa Ana, Zia, and San 
Felipe gave tokens of friendly feeling, and, on December first, 
Vargas met the governors of San Ildefonso, San I^azaro, and 
Tesuque, and in a short talk regained their confidence. After a 
conference with the governor of Santa Fe, the Spanish army 
marched into the capital on the 16th without opposition, and bear- 
ing the same banner w^hich had been carried by Ofiate when he 
entered the city almost a hundred years before. 

After various ceremonies in the Plaza, the Spaniards encamped 
on the hills north of the city, as the palace was occupied by the 
Tanos Pueblos, and the houses by other Indians. The weather 
was unusually severe; so much so that men sent out to obtain 
timber to repair the church of San Miguel were obliged to return 
to town ; and Vargas, wishing to use the public buildings for the 
immigrants, sent word to the Tanos Indians to return to their 
pueblos on the Galisteo. This order, however, created great com- 
motion, and the Indians concluded at a councilto resist the en- 
trance of the Spaniards. 

On December 28 they closed all tlie entrances to the Plaza and 
fortified all the ramparts. De Vargas then moved his camp down 
from the hills to the plain close to the city walls, and demanded 
the surrender of the Indians, but was only replied to by insults. 
An immediate assault was then made upon the town, and a fierce 



120 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

battle ensued throughout the entire day. Companies of Tanos 
and Tehua Indians came over the hills to the aid of their friends 
within the walls, and on the other hand the Spaniards were great- 
ly assisted by the Indians of Pecos under their ever faithful 
governor, Juan Ye. The darkness of night separated the com- 
batants, but at daybreak of the ensuing day the Spaniards burst 
through the walls and captured the town with great slaugliter. 
Many Indians escaped, but seventy warriors, including Bolsas, 
the governor, were shot in the Plaza. Four hundred women and 
children were partitioned among the Spanish families as servants, 
subject to the approval of the king of Spain, and with the merci- 
ful advice of De Vargas to the recipients that they should treat 
the captives as fathers do their children. 

The capture of the capital had a great etl'ect but hostilities 
continued for over two years more, the governor showing wonder- 
ful energy in his actions and swiftness in his marches; and he 
gradually succeeded in defeating the Indians who continued to 
keep up the struggle, and in capturing their strongholds. In the 
course of this war, a number of the pueblos were destroyed or 
abandoned and the mortality among the Indians from sickness 
and exposure, as well as in battle, Avas very great. At length the 
last remnants of opposition were overcome, and by the end of 
1696 the whole country was quiet and acknowledged the Spanish 
authority. 

The first place re-populated, after the revolution, was Santa 
Cruz, to which the families that arrived from El Paso in 
June, 1694, were sent as soon as it was safe, in 1695. In all docu- 
ments thereafter for many years it was called "La Villa Nueva 
de Santa Cruz de la Caiiada. ' ' 



CHAPTER XIII 

The Spanish Era, 1696 to 1822 

The five year term of office of De Vargas, as governor, expired 
in 1696, and Pedro Rodriguez Cubero was appointed in his place. 
De Vargas had applied for another term but the application 
arrived in Spain too late. The king, however, appreciated the 
value of the services of the Reconquistador and promised to re- 
appoint him when Cubero 's term should expire, and gave him 
his choice of the two titles of marquis and count. Cubero arrived 
and commenced his administration July 2, 1697. 

Considering the brilliancy of the re-conquest by Vargas, and 
the debt which the Spaniards owed to him on account of his suc- 
cess after the repeated failures of all others, it would be supposed 
that all would have united in sustaining his administration. But 
this was far from the case, and almost from the first there was 
friction between himself and the Cabildo which claimed to gov- 
ern the capital city. For more than two years he was held as 
prisoner, under charges, in Santa Pe; and, though released, the 
Cabildo persisted in filing new charges, including those of em- 
bezzlement and oppression. Juan Paez Ilurtado, who for a full 
generation was an important figure in New Mexican affairs, was 
included in these accusations. Cubero ordered the arrest of both 
Vargas and Hurtado, and treated the former, especially, with 
great harshness, imposing a heavy fine, confiscating his property, 
and keeping him in close confinement until July, 1700, Avhen he 
immediately left for Mexico to seek redress. 

In 1699, Governor Cubero made a tour of the west of the terri- 
tory, receiving the submission of Acoma, of Laguna (then a newly 
established pueblo), and of Zuiii ; and carrying on active nego- 



THE SPANISH ERA, 1696 TO 1822 123 

tiations for the cliristianizing of the Moquis. But Zuni itself 
was abandoned both by the friar, Padre Garaieoechea, resident 
there, and the military, in 1703. 

In the latter year, De Vargas, who had been re- appointed 
governor some time before, re-appeared, Cubero having left with- 
out waiting to meet him. The reconquistador had meanwhile 
received from the king the title of Marquez de la Nava de Bra- 
zinas, and re-assumed the gubernatorial office in Santa Fe on 
November 10, with his friend, Juan Paez Hurtado, as lieutenant- 
governor. He had many plans for the firmer establishment of 
Spanish authority, but these were all cut short by his sudden 
death, while on an expedition against the Navajos at Bernalillo, 
on April 14, 1704. His remains were interred behind the altar 
of the Church of St. Francis, now the Cathedral, at Santa Fe, 
where his monument still exists. 

Hurtado succeeded as acting-governor, and served till March 
10, 1705, when a governor ad interim, appointed by the viceroy 
of New Spain, arrived, in the person of Francisco Cuervo y Val- 
dez. He was a Knight of Santiago and had been in office at 
Guadalajara ; but the king of Spain had his own friends to favor, 
and appointed Jose Chacon Medina Salazar y Villaseiior, Mar- 
quez de la Peiiuela, to succeed De Vargas, when news of the death 
of the latter reached Spain. Communication with the parent 
country, however, was slow and infrequent, and it was not till 
August 1, 1707, that Penuela arrived, so that the appointee of 
the viceroy had over two years of administration. 

During that period there were the usual troubles with the 
Navajos and wath the more remote pueblos in the west ; but Gov- 
ernor Cuervo showed the most energy in founding or re-estab- 
lishing towns. In 1706 he founded the Villa of All)urquerque, 
which he named in honor of the viceroy of New Spain, who had 
given him his appointment ; and established thirty families there. 
He also re-settled the old pueblo of Galisteo with eighteen Tanos 
families, and added a number of Tehua families to the scant 
population of Pojuaque. He called Alburquerque, in the first 
place, San Francisco de Alburquerque, but the authorities in 



124 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Mexico changed the name to San Felipe, in compliment to King 
Philip. 

The Marquez de la Peiiuela is loiown to all New Mexicans and 
multitudes of tourists, from the inscription on the ancient beam 
which forms a part of the ceiling and roof of the historic church 
of San Miguel in Santa Fe. This reads as follows: "El Senor 
Marquez de la Penuela hizo esta fabrica; el Alferes Real Don 
Agustin Flores Vergara su eriado. Ano de 1710. ' ' — His Lord- 
ship, the Marquis de la Penuela, erected this building; the Royal 
Ensign Don Augustin Flores Vergara, his servant. A. D. 1710." 

Through all this period there is the same succession of border 
troubles, of incursions by wild Indians against both Spaniards 
and Pueblos, and of return expeditions by the latter against the 
savages. 

Penuela was succeeded by Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollon, who 
assumed the office October 5, 1712, and continued as governor for 
exactly three years, to a day. He was born in Seville, had been 
governor of Nuevo Leon, and was a man of experience, but was 
now quite old and infirm. During his official term there were 
campaigns against the Navajos and the Apaches, and several at- 
tempts to arrange peaceably for the submission of the Moquis. 
The governor had enemies among the Spaniards, and was accused 
of malfeasance in office, but through the law's delay the trial did 
not come on until years after his term expired. He was relieved 
on October 5, 1715, and the viceroy appointed Felix Martinez as 
acting-governor until a regular appointment should be made by 
the king. The change was one from bad to worse, as Martinez 
was a man of ^dolent temper and was accused of unblushing cor- 
ruption in office, even to the extent of dividing all the Indian 
captives taken in a fight with the Utes and Comanches with his 
brother, and having them sold on joint account in New Biscay. 
Martinez had been a soldier under De Vargas and was after- 
wards captain of the garrison at Santa Fe. The viceroy became 
dissatisfied with his conduct, and in September, 1716, ordered 
him to report in Mexico, and directed Captain Antonio Valverde 
y Cosio, who was in command at El Paso, to proceed to Santa Fe 



THE SPANISH ERA, 1696 TO 1822 125 

and become acting-governor. Martinez refused to receive Val- 
verde, but, appointing Juan Paez Hurtado to act as governor ad 
interim while he was absent, started on his unwelcome journey to 
Mexico. 

He left on January 20, 1717, and immediately complications 
arose between the two acting-governors ; but finally Valverde was 
confirmed in the office as governor, and held that position about 
five years. He made a tour of the entire province, visiting every 
Spanish settlement and pueblo; Avent on various expeditions 
among the Indians, and endeavored to establish a permanent 
settlement and presidio at a place in western Kansas, which ap- 
pears frequently in the chronicles of those days, called Cuartelejo. 
About the same time the situation in Moqui was rendered more 
complicated by the efforts of the Jesuits to have the spiritual care 
of the people taken from the Franciscans and given into their 
charge. This rivalry'- continued impartially for a number of 
years, the Jesuits claiming jurisdiction from the Arizona side and 
the Franciscans from that of New Mexico ; while the people spec- 
ially concerned refused to give up their independence to either. 
Valverde popularized himself by building a chapel at Santa Fe, 
and also one at San Ildefonso, at his ow^n expense. 

The next regular governor was Juan Domingo de Bustamante, 
who held office for two terms of five years each, assum.ing the po- 
sition March 2, 1722. During this period occurred the first 
episcopal visitations of New Mexico, by Bishop Crespo, of Du- 
rango, who claimed jurisdiction over the whole territory. The 
first of these was in 1725, but extended only to El Paso ; but five 
years later another visitation was made, and the bishop admin- 
istered confirmation for the first time at Santa Fe and a few other 
points, being prevented from visiting others by the Franciscans, 
who claimed to have exclusive authority in New Mexico. This 
resulted in a long controversy which occupies much space in the 
archives at Santa Fe and an account of which was published in 
Madrid in 1738. The succeeding bishop of Durango, Bishop 
Elizacoechea, made a visitation in 1737, and extended his journey 
as far as Zufii. A record of this appears in the solid stone of 



126 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

Inscription Rock, as follows : ' ' On the 28th of September of the 
year 1737, arrived at this place the Illustrious Don Martin de 
Elizacoechea, Bishop of Durango : and on the 29tli left for Zufii." 

The successor of Bustamante was Gervasio Cruzat y Gongora, 
in office from 1731 to 1736, and he was succeeded in the latter 
year by Enrique de Olavide y Michelena, named temporarily by 
the viceroy. He was appointed on May 17, 1736, but may not 
have arrived until somewhat later, and served until the regular 
governor appointed by the king, Gaspar Domingo de Mendoza, 
arrived in 1739. During his administration the number of Span- 
ish inhabitants, not including soldiers and their families, was 
found to be 9,747, residing in 24 towns. 

The next governor was Joaquin Codallos y Rabal, a major of 
the Spanish army, who held the office from 1743 to 1749, and was 
succeeded by Tomas Velez Cachupin in May, 1749. During the 
administration of Governor Codallos, in 1748, the pueblo of San- 
dia was re-established by Padre Menchero, a zealous Franciscan, 
who collected a large number of Tilnia Indians, rescued from 
Moqui, and settled them on the Rio Grande. This same priest 
induced about 500 Navajos to settle at Cebolleta in 1746 ; but they 
preferred the free life of the mountains and prairies and aban- 
doned the place in 1750. Wars with the Utes and Comanches 
were almost as regular as the seasons, but with varying results. 
In October, 1747, Governor Codallos overtook a large body of 
them above Abiquiu. killed 107, captured 206, and secured al)out 
1,000 horses. In 1751 Governor Cachupin almost equaled this 
achievement by killing 101, and capturing the remaining 44, of a 
band of Comanches who had made a raid on Galisteo; and only 
lost one of his own 164 men. 

In 1754, Governor Cachupin was succeeded by Francisco An- 
tonio Maria del Valle, whose memory is kept green at Santa Fe 
by the gift made by himself and his wife to the Church of Our 
Lady of Light on the Plaza, of a carved stone reredos, which is 
now to be seen back of the altar in the cathedral. The church 
was his own gift to the soldiers of the garrison and hence was 
called the "Castrense," or military chapel; and the reredos, 



THE SPANISH ERA, 1696 TO 1822 127 

which is carved in relief and extends across the entire width of 
the chancel recess, bears two inscriptions in ovals, reading as fol- 
lows: "A devocion de Seiior Don Francisco Antonio Marin del 
Valle, Gobernador y Capitan General de este Reino;" and, "' Y de 
su esposa Maria Ygnacia jMartinez de TJgarte, 1761." 

In 1760, Bishop Tamaron, of Durango, made a visitation which 
extended over the entire territory and occupied about four 
months, from April to July ; during which he is said to have con- 
firmed no less than 11,271 persons. 

Governor Del Valle held office till late in that year, and then 
Mateo Antonio de Mendoza acted for a few months, and was suc- 
ceeded in 1761 by Manuel Portillo Urrisola for another short pe- 
riod ; and then, on February 1, 1762, Governor Cachupin, who 
had been re-appointed by the king, again took possession of the 
office. During this second term of Cachupin the first expedition 
into Avhat is now Colorado w-as made in search of mineral wealth. 
The exploring party was in charge of Juan Maria Rivera, and 
penetrated the San Juan country and also the region of the Gun- 
nison and Uncompage, where they discovered consideral^le silver 
and consequently^ named the mountain and the river Jja Plata. 
In 1763, the archives tell of a lengthy proceeding against certain 
Indians of the pueblo of Abiquiu for alleged witchcraft, which 
resulted in soldiers being sent to destroy some stone objects sup- 
posed to be used in idolatrous ceremonies, and several Indians 
being sentenced to practical slavery. 

After this second term of Governor Cachupin, in 1767, came 
Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta, as governor and captain-general; 
and he was the last of the Spanish officials to hold this latter title. 
He was a colonel in the army and a Knight of Santiago. At this 
time the number of Spanish soldiers stationed in the territory 
was only eighty, who had headquarters at Santa Fe ; and the 
governor reported that besides the troops located there, there were 
about 200 men among the colonists capable of military service, 
but very poorly supplied with arms. Manj' explorations were 
made about this time, mostly in the direction of the Pacific. In 
1774, Captain Juan Bautista de Anza headed an expedition to 



128 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

the west which succeeded in reaching the Spanish settlements in 
California by the way of the Gila. In 1776, Padre Escalante at- 
tempted to reach the Pacific hy a northern route and penetrated 
as far as Utah Lake, when he was compelled to return by way of 
Moqui ; and about the same time Padre Francisco Garces made 
his memorable trip along the valley of the Colorado and through 
parts of California and i^rizona. 

Governor Mendinueta continued in office until March, 1778, 
when Francisco Trebol Navarro, who for a number of years had 
been alcalde mayor of the Albuquerque district, was acting- 
governor for a short time ; and toward the end of the year. Ansa, 
now a lieutenant-colonel, was appointed governor. He was a 
native of Sonora, familiar with the country and people, and also 
with the Indians, and made an excellent official. He carried on 
a vigorous warfare against the Comanches, especially in 1779, 
when he made a rapid march to the northeast with about 1,000 
men, and killed Cuerno Verde, the Comanche chieftain, as well 
as securing a great victory over the tribe. During his adminis- 
tration both famine and pestilence afflicted the land, the former 
being so severe in the Moqui region that during three years with- 
out rain there were 6,698 deaths, and the population was reduced 
from 7,494 to 798, and of 30,000 sheep but 300 remained ; and in 
the Pueblo towns of New Mexico 5,025 Indians died with small- 
pox in 1780-81. 

In 1789, Fernando de la Concha came as governor; and in turn 
he was succeeded, in 1794, by Fernando Chacon, who w'as still in 
office at the end of the century. At this time and down to the be- 
ginning of the traffic over the Santa Fe trail we are told that 
there was no money in New Mexico, but all business transacted 
was by exchange or barter of land or animals or commodities. 
There was a great fair every year at Taos in mid-summer, when 
the Comanches and other M'ild tribes came in from the plains, 
with skins, principally of buffalo and deer, buffalo meat, etc., 
for exchange for iron implements, beads, and various iTianufac- 
tured articles. In January occurred the annual fair at Chihua- 
hua, which was attended by the people of all the northern pro- 



THE SPANISH ERA, 1696 TO 1822 129 

vinces, and to which the New Mexicans went in long caravans 
for protection against hostile attack and mutual assistance while 
passing through deserts like the Jornada del Muerto. These 
caravans sometimes included no less than 500 persons, and their 
departure and arrival were the great events of the year in a busi- 
ness way. The merchants at Chihuahua became rich through this 
trade, in which they had a great advantage ; and the traders in 
their turn made very large profits from the Spanish settlers and 
the Indians. An instance is given of the purchase in Chihuahua 
of a Guacamaya, a parrot of gay plumage, for eight dollars, and 
the sale of the feathers in New Mexico for $492. This trade con- 
tinued to be all of the commercial business of the countrs^ until 
the opening of the Santa Fe Trail from the Missouri established 
communication with the United States. 

At the beginning of the new century, in the year 1800, a 
grant was made for the settlement of Cebolleta, intended largely 
as a bulwark against the Navajos. In 1803 the Indians asked to 
be allowed to settle there, also, but this was refused by the gov- 
ernor. Incursions followed, and finally Lieutenant Antonio Nar- 
bona, who had been sent from Chihuahua to assist the New Mexi- 
cans, in January, 1805, defeated the Navajos in the Caiion de 
Chelly, killing and capturing a considerable number. 

Soon after, in the spring of 1805, Colonel Joaquin del Real 
Alencaster came to succeed Governor Chacon, who had served 
two terms of five years each. In 1806, owing to the purchase of 
Louisiana by the United States three years before, and the fear 
that there might be difficulties along the frontier, Lieutenant 
Melgares was sent from Chihuahua with 100 dragoons on an ex- 
pedition along the border to explore the country and conciliate 
the Indians. He followed the Red river into the present Okla- 
homa, marched northerly to the Arkansas, visited the Pawnee 
nation in Kansas, distributed Spanish flags and medals, and then 
returned to Santa Fe in October. The marks of his work among 
the Indians were found by Lieutenant Pike, when he passed 
through the same section a short time after. 

The first arrivals across the plains from the Mississippi Valley 



130 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

occurred in 1804 and 1805, when La Lande and Pursley appeared 
in Santa Fe; and on March 3, 1806, Lieutenant Pike and his little 
company were brought into the city from the north. These events 
will be treated of at greater length in separate chapters; Pike's 
exploits in Chapter XIV, and the Santa Fe Trail in Chapter 
XVII. 

Governor Aleneaster was succeeded in 1807 by Alberto Maynez 
as acting-governor, who also served at a later date. 

The next regular governor was Jose Manrique. He was a 
lieutenant-colonel in the army, and was governor or governor ad 
interim from 1808 to 1814, and again for a short time in 183 9. 
In 1811, Gen. Nemecio Saleedo, general of the department with 
headquarters at Chihuahua, made certain orders respecting lands 
in New Mexico which have led to his name being placed in some 
lists of governors ; but he seems never to have had that or any 
other civil title, and the powers he exercised he probably assumed 
by virtue of his military authority. 

During the term of Governor Manrique occurred the election 
of the only representative which New Mexico ever had in the 
Spanish Cortes. In the troublous times in Spain, caused by the 
invasion of the French and the coronation of Joseph Bonaparte 
as king, a liberal policy toward the colonies was for the first time 
adopted in order to unite them more firmly with the old monarchy 
and the fortunes of King Ferdinand VII, and New Mexico was 
accorded one representative in the Cortes. There were three lead- 
ing candidates for this distinguished position, Antonio Ortiz, 
Juan Rafael Ortiz, and Pedro Bautista Pino, and at a meeting of 
the electoral body, held on August 11, 1810, the latter was chosen. 
He proceeded to take the long journey by the way of Mexico and 
Vera Cruz to Spain, where the regular Spanish government was 
then in session at Cadiz, the greater part of the kingdom, includ- 
ing Madrid, being in the power of the French. While residing 
in Spain he made and published a Eeport, descriptive of New 
Mexico, its people, and government, which is one of the most 
valuable documents connected with New Mexican history. It was 
reprinted in Mexico in 1839. He endeavored to obtain many ad- 



THE SPANISH ERA, 1696 TO 1822 131 

vantages for his province, and succeeded in securing considerable 
recognition, but the difficulties of the Spanish government and 
the revolutions which followed in Spanish America prevented any 
actual results being achieved. 

Alberto Maynez was the next executive, with the title of civil 
and military governor. He served in 1814 and 1815, and again in 
1817. 

Pedro Maria de Allande succeeded to the title in 1816, and 
again in 1818, after the second period of Maynez's authority. 

Facundo Melgares was the last of the Spanish governors, the 
revolution of 1821 being successful in establishing Mexican inde- 
pendence. It was Governor Melgares who, as lieutenant, com- 
manded the brilliant expedition into the Indian Territory in 1806, 
and subsequently had charge of the escort of Pike to Chihuahua, 
in 1807. By the law of May 6, 1822, his term as governor ex- 
pired on the succeeding 5th of July. 

Melgares was a European of distinguished family. He was of 
liberal education, immense fortune, great military ability, and a 
high sense of honor. The long line of Spanish governors, be- 
ginning with Oiiate, established by De Vargas, and containing 
many distinguished names, finds a fitting termination in the per- 
son of Melgares, of whom history speaks only in terms of honor 
and of praise. 



CHAPTER XIV 

The Expedition of Lieutenant Pihe — 1806 

Very shortly after the acquisition of the vast territory then 
embraced under the name of Louisiana from the French by the 
United States, the government of the latter undertook the explor- 
ation of such portions of this immense domain as were then un- 
known, save to the aborigines. Captains Meriwether Lewis and 
William Clark were selected by the president to explore the then 
unvisited sources of the Missouri, and Lieutenant Zebulon Mont- 
gomery Pike, of the sixth infantry, to follow the Mississippi to its 
source; both expeditions having to traverse unbroken wilder- 
nesses and encounter untold hardships and privations. The expe- 
dition of Lieutenant Pike occupied nearly nine months, extending 
from August 9, 1805, when he sailed from St. Ijouis, to the last 
day of April, 1806, when he returned. 

Soon after his arrival he was requested by General AVilkinson 
to take command of another expedition then being fitted out at 
St. Louis, the primary object of which was to conduct a number 
of Osage Indian captives, and also a deputation of that tribe 
recently returned from Washington, up the Missouri and Osage 
rivers to the Indian town of Grand Osage. The instructions then 
provided that Lieutenant Pike should endeavor to bring about 
a permanent peace between the Kansas and Osage nations ; and 
afterwards to ' ' establish a good understanding with the Yanctons, 
Tetaus, or Camanches," and finally "to ascertain the direction, 
extent, and navigation of the Arkansaw and Red rivers. " As to 
the possibility of meeting inhabitants of New Mexico, the instruc- 
tions of the general were as follows : 

"As your interview with the Camanches will probably lead 
you to the head branches of the Arkansaw and Red Rivers, you 



EXPEDITION OF LIEUT. PIKE — 1806 133 

may find yourself approximated to the settlements of New Mex- 
ico, and there it will be necessary you should move with great 
circumspection to keep clear of any hunting or reconnoitering 
parties from that province and to prevent alarm or offense; be- 
cause the affairs of Spain and the United States appear to be on 
the point of amicable adjustment, and moreover it is the desire 
of the President to cultivate the friendsliip and harmonious inter- 
course of all the nations of the earth, and particularly our near 
neighbors, the Spaniards. ' ' 

This expedition started from the landing at Belle Fontaine on 
July 15, 1806 — the party consisting of two lieutenants, one sur- 
geon, one sergeant, two corporals, sixteen privates, and one in- 
terpreter. The surgeon was Dr. Robinson, who was a volunteer, 
giving his services as compensation for transportation and accom- 
modation. Without dwelling on this expedition until it neared 
the Spanish boundary, it may be said that from August 20th to 
September 1st, Lieutenant Pike remained at Grand Osage, hold- 
ing councils with the chiefs of the Osage nation, and that on 
September 29th he held a grand council with the Pawnees at 
their principal village, not less than 400 warriors being present. 

At this point he saw the first evidences of the Spanish expedi- 
tion which had recently visited there from New Mexico. This 
expedition, which was the most important that ever penetrated 
to the eastward into the Indian country, at least in modern times, 
consisted of 100 dragoons of the regular army drawn from Chi- 
huahua, and 500 mounted militia of New Mexico, all equipped 
with ammunition for six months, and each man leading two 
horses and a mule, making the whole number of animals 2,075. 
The whole force was under the command of Don Facundo Mel- 
gares, a lieutenant in the Spanish army, a man of large wealth 
and liberal education, who had gained much distinction in pre- 
vious expeditions against the Apaches and other hostile Indians. 
They descended the Red river 233 leagues, held councils there 
with the chief of the Tetaus, and afterwards struck off northeast 
to the Arkansas river, and thence to the Pawnee nation, where 
they held a grand council, presented Spanish flags and medals, 
and also a commission to Characterish, the head chief, from the 



134 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

governor of New Mexico (dated Santa Fe, June 15, 1806), and 
finally returned to Santa Fe in October. When the distance 
traveled and the country and tribes passed through are consid- 
ered, this expedition rivals those of Lewis and Clark, and Pike, 
for its extent, difficulty, and importance. 

After leaving the Pawnee capital. Lieutenant Pike proceeded 
westerly between the Arkansas and the Kansas rivers (always 
called in his narrative "Arkansaw" and "Kans"), seeing many 
prairie-dogs, which he calls Wishtonivishes from the sound of 
their cry, and of which he tells us almost the exact story after- 
wards repeated by Horace Greeley of their living in the same 
hole with a rattlesnake, a horned frog, and a land tortoise. On 
the 28th of October, in accordance with instructions, he detached 
Lieutenant Wilkinson with five soldiers to make the trip down the 
Arkansas river in canoes, for the purpose of exploring its whole 
course to the Mississippi. On the 15th of November he came in 
sight of the Rocky Mountains, and soon after encountered almost 
constant snows, suffering great hardships — as the company had 
only summer cotton clothes — and on the 3d of December reached 
and calculated the altitude of the great mountain which bears his 
name — "Pike's Peak." He mentions it as known to all the 
savage nations for hundreds of miles around, and spoken of with 
admiration by the Spaniards, being the limit of their travels to 
the northward. Pike's measurement made it 10,581 feet above 
the level of the prairie, M^hich he estimated at 8,000 feet, thus 
making the total elevation 18,581, whereas the latest estimates 
make it only 14,147 ; and he says that in all the wanderings of 
the party for over two months, from November 14th to January 
27th, it was never out of their sight. 

The hardships endured during this period are almost beyond 
description ; the feet of the men became frosted so that they could 
only proceed with the utmost pain, and finally several had to be 
left in sheltered localities, and supplied with food from time to 
time by the remainder. The party subsisted entirely on the pro- 
duct of the chase, and sometimes for as long as three full days 
were without a mouthful to eat. In December the expedition 



EXPEDITION OF LIEUT. PIKE — 1806 135 

determined to leave the valley of the Arkansas and proceed 
southerly, to strike the headwaters of the Red river, which they 
expected to find at that point. Soon after they met a stream 
which they followed eastward slowly, on account of their wretched 
physical condition, and the necessity of stopping daily to hunt; 
but imagine their feelings, almost of despair, when on January 
5th they found that they had thus been led back to the Arkansas, 
and were at the camp which they had occupied nearly a month 
before ! Again they started southerly, in search of the Red river, 
determining to cross the mountains before them on foot ; each of 
the party, including the commander himself and Dr. Robinson, 
carrying forty-five pounds of baggage, besides provisions and 
arms, making an aggregate of seventy pounds burden. At length, 
on the 30th of January, they arrived in the evening on the banks 
of a stream of some magnitude, which they believed to be the 
long-looked-for Red river. Here they concluded to build a kind 
of stockade, where four or five might defend themselves while the 
others went back to carry assistance to the poor fellows who 
had necessarily been left at various points, on account of in- 
ability to travel; the intention being, when all should be as- 
sembled, to proceed in canoes or on rafts down the Red river 
to Natchitoches, then the most westerly U. S. post in southern 
Louisiana. At this point Dr. Robinson, who had business in New 
Mexico, left the party in order to proceed to Santa Pe, which 
they calculated was then nearer than it would be from any other 
point. 

While most of the men were absent, in search of those left be- 
hind, and the remainder were at work building the fort, Pike 
himself usually employed himself in hunting; and on February 
15, while thus occupied with a single soldier, he discovered two 
horsemen near the summit of a hill, but half a mile distant. After 
much parleying they were induced to come to the camp, and 
proved to be a Spanish dragoon and a civilized Indian, both well 
armed. They reported that Robinson had arrived in Santa Fe, 
and been received with great kindness by the governor. They 
seemed surprised at the appearance of the fort, but Pike informed 



136 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

them of his intention of going down the river to Natchitoches as 
soon as his party was prepared; and at the same time said that 
if the governor of New Mexico would send an officer with an in- 
terpreter, it would be a pleasure to satisfy any doubts he might 
have as to the intentions of this American party in being so near 
his borders. The two ^dsitors stated that they could reach Santa 
Fe in two days (which was not true), but never intimated that 
Pike was wrong in supposing himself on the banks of the lied 
river. The building of the fort continued, and gradually the 
frozen men who had been left behind were brought in — with the 
exception of two still unable to walk. Of them Pike says, ' ' they 
sent me some of the bones taken out of their feet, and conjured 
me by all that was sacred not to leave them to perish far from 
the civilized world." 

On the 26th of February the report of the guard's gun an- 
nounced the appearance of strangers, and soon after two French- 
men arrived. These informed Pike that Governor Alencaster, of 
New Mexico, had heard that the IJte Indians Avere about to attack 
the little expedition, and therefore had sent an officer with fifty 
dragoons to protect them. Scarcely had this notification been 
received, when the Spanish party came in sight, consisting not 
only of the fifty dragoons but also fifty mounted militia of the 
province. Pike sent the Frenchmen to arrange a meeting be- 
tween himself and the commander of the troops, and then sallied 
forth to hold the interview on the prairie near the fort. The 
officers in command of the Spanish expedition were Ygnacio 
Saltelo and Bartolome Fernandez, both lieutenants. After some 
conversation, Pike invited them to enter his fortification and they 
breakfasted together, after which the Spanish officers said that 
the governor, having learned that Pike 's party had lost its route, 
had sent them to offer all necessary assistance to reach the Red 
river, the nearest naA-igable point of which was eight days' jour- 
ney from Santa Fe. "What," said Pike, interrupting him, "is 
not this the Red river?" Imagine his amazement at the answer 
"No, sir! it is the Rio del Norte." These words showed that he 
had unwittingly passed the frontiers of the United States, and 



EXPEDITION OF LIEUT. PIKE — 1806 137 

actually erected a fort on Spanish soil, within the Lordei-s of 
New Mexico. His first act, on receiving this astonishing infor- 
mation, was to order his men to take do-wn the American tiag, 
which had been hoisted over the works. The Spanish com- 
mander then said that the governor was anxious to see them at 
Santa Fe as soon as possible, and had provided 100 horses and 
mules to take the party and their baggage to the capital. Pike 
at first refused to go until the detachment which he had sent 
under a sergeant to bring in the two men still absent had re- 
turned; but it was finally arranged that he should proceed with 
one of the lieutenants and half the Spanish force, leaving two 
men to meet the sergeant's party on their return, to inform them 
of the changed aspect of affairs. Pike in telling of this event 
expresses the reluctance with which he abandoned the fort built 
with so much labor, and which was admirably situated for de- 
fense; but finding that he had really, though unintentionally, 
trespassed on Spanish territory, and being confident that the 
officers sent had orders to bring him and his men to Santa Fe by 
force, if necessary, he thought it best to show an entire willing- 
ness to make an explanation to the governor, rather than appear 
to go under restraint. 

Much discussion has taken place as to the exact locality of 
Pike's Fort; but by a careful reading of his narrative it can be 
determined almost to a certainty. He first saw the Rio Grande 
from the top of a high hill, two days after his party struck n 
small river running west, which they hailed as a tributary to the 
Red river, and followed through what would now be called a 
caiion, along the foot of the Wliite Mountains (Sierra Blanca). 
A glance at a modern map will show that the small river was 
the Sangre de Cristo ; and the point from which the Rio Grande 
was first seen, near the site of Fort Garland. After reaching 
the Rio Grande they descended eighteen miles, where they found 
a large western branch emptying into the main stream. This 
must have been the present Conejos river. Five miles up this 
river, on the north bank, and with the water itself forming the 
defense on one side, was where he built his fort; which was so 



138 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

ingeniously constructed that it could only be entered by creeping 
through a hole, after passing a draw-bridge over the ditch. 

The description of the journey to Santa Fe shows the above 
to be the correct location of the fort. The first town of import- 
ance which they saw, was after a march of a little more than 100 
miles, being the village of Warm Spring, or "L'Eau Chaud," as 
Pike calls it, or, as now known, Ojo Caliente. Here he found the 
first real Mexican houses which he had seen, and describes at some 
length the flat roofs, water-spouts, narrow doors, and small win- 
dows — some with mica lights. 1'he springs he descnbes as two 
in number, about ten yards apart, each affording water enough 
for a mill, and the temperature of the water as more than thirty- 
three degrees above blood-heat. The next day they marched 
down Ojo Caliente river to its junction with the Chama (which 
he calls Conejos), observing on the way the ruins of ancient 
pueblo towns, as well as several little inhabited villages, all of 
which had round towers to defend the inhabitants from Indian 
incursions. Here they first experienced the characteristic hospi- 
tality of the Mexican people ; who invited them into their houses, 
dressed the feet of the young men who had been frozen — and m 
short, to use the language of Pike, "brought to my recollection 
the hospitality of the ancient patriarchs, and caused me to sigh 
with regret at the corruption of that noble principle by the polish 
of modern ages." 

The same day they continued down the Chama to the Rio 
Grande and across to "the village of St. John's" (pueblo of San 
Juan), which he says was the residence of the president priest of 
the province, who had resided in it forty years. The house-tops 
were crowded when the party entered, just as they would be on a 
similar occasion today; and all the officers and men were hos- 
pitably treated. The next morning they marched after breakfast, 
and in about six miles came to a village of 2,000 souls, and in 
seven miles further to a small town of 500 inhabitants. These 
places are not named by the narrator, but must be Santa Cruz 
and San Yldefonso. Seventeen miles further on they came to a 
Pueblo town (the Pueblos are always distinguished by Pike as 



EXPEDITION OF LIEUT. PIKE — 1806 139 

"civilized Indians") containing 400 people. While the estimate 
of population is a good deal exaggerated, this is evidently Te- 
suque. Here they changed horses and prepared for their entry 
into the capital and appearance before the governor. The con- 
dition of Pike's party as to clothing was so lamentable as to be 
almost ludicrous. Wlien they left their horses on the Arkansas, 
and commenced carrying everything on their backs, all articles 
were abandoned that were not essential to safety. Ammunition, 
tools, leather, etc., claimed the first places; the ornamental was 
a minor consideration. So on arriving at Santa Pe the com- 
mander was dressed in blue trousers, moccasins (mockinsons) 
blanket, coat, and a cap made of scarlet cloth lined with fur skin ; 
and the men, in leggings, breech-cloths, and leather coats — and 
not a hat in the whole company. In such garb they did not make 
a very imposing appearance. 

They had left the fort on the Conejos, February 26, and ar- 
rived at Santa Fe on the evening of Tuesday, March 3. Pike de- 
scribes the length of the city on the creek as about a mile, and 
that it was about three streets in width : 

"Its appearance from a distance struck my mind with the same 
effect as a fleet of the flat-boats which are seen in the spring and 
fall seasons descending the Ohio. On the north side of the town 
is the square of soldiers' houses. The public square is in the 
center of the town, on the north side of which is situated the 
palace or government house, with the quarters for the guards, etc. 
The other side of the square is occupied by the clergy and public 
offices. In general the houses have a shed before the front, some 
of which have a flooring of brick: the consequence is that the 
streets are very narrow, say in general 25 feet. The supposed 
population is 4,500." 

In another description of Santa Fe, which Captain Pike includ- 
ed in the appendix to his report, he gives a fuller description of 
the place and its surroundings, as follows : 

' ' In the center of the public square, one side of which forms the 
flank of the soldiers' square, which is closed and in some degree 
defended by round towers in the angles which flank the four cur- 
tains ; another side of the square is formed by the palace of the 



140 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

governor, his guard-houses, etc. The third side is occupied by the 
priests and their suite, and the fourth by the chapetones who re- 
side in the city. ' ' 

On entering the city, Lieutenant Pike was conducted to the 
palace, where he says : 

"We were ushered in through various rooms, the floors of 
which were covered with skins of buffalo, bear, or some other ani- 
mal. We waited in a chamber for some time until his excellency 
appeared, when we arose, and the following conversation took 
place in French : 

' ' Gov. Do you speak French ? 

' ' Pike. Yes, sir. 

"Gov. You come to reconnoitre our country, do you? 

' ' Pike.' 1 marched to reconnoitre our own. 

' ' Gov. In what character are you ? 

' ' Pike. In my proper character, an officer of the United States 
Army. 

' ' Gov. How many men have you ? 

"Pike. Fifteen. 

' ' Gov. When did you leave St. Louis ? 

"Pike. 15th of July. 

' ' Gov. I think you marched in June. 

"Pike. No, sir. 

' ' Gov. Well, return with Mr. T^artholomew to his house, and 
come here again at seven o'clock, and bring your papers. 

"At the hour appointed we returned, when the governor de- 
manded my papers. I told him I understood my trunk was taken 
possession of by his guard. He expressed his surprise, and imme- 
diately ordered it in ; and also sent for one Solomon Colly, former- 
ly a sergeant in our army, and one of the unfortunate company of 
Nolan. We were seated, when he ordered Colly to demand my 
name, to which I replied; he then demanded in what province I 
was born. I answered in English, and then addressed his excel- 
lency in French, and told him that I did not think it necessary to 
enter into such a catechising; that if he would be at the pains 
of reading my commission from the United States, and my orders 
from my general, it would be all that I presumed would be neces- 
sary to comdnce his excellency that I came with no hostile inten- 
tions towards the Spanish government; on the contrary, that I 
had express instructions to guard against giving them offense 
or alarm, and that his excellency would be convinced that myself 
and party were rather to be considered objects on which the so 



EXPEDITION OF LIEUT. PIKE — 1806 141 

much celebrated generosity of the Spanish nation might be exer- 
cised, than proper subjects to occasion the opposite sentiments. 

' ' He then requested to see my commission and orders, which I 
read to him in French; on which he got up and gave me his 
hand for the first time, and said he was happy to be acquainted 
with me as a man of honor and a gentleman, that I could retire 
this evening and take my trunk with me ; that on the morrow he 
would make further arrangements." 

The next day, after examining the contents of Pike 's trunk, the 
governor informed him that he must go \^dth his men to Chi- 
huahua, in the then province of Biscay, to appear before the 
commandant-general. The folloAving conversation then ensued, 
which Pike has preserved in full in his journal : 

"Pike. If we go to Chihuahua, we must be considered as 
prisoners of war. 

"Gov. By no means. 

"Pike. You have already disarmed my men without my 
knowledge ; are their arms to be returned, or not? 

' ' Gov. They can receive them at any moment. 

' ' Pike. But, sir, I cannot consent to be led 300 or 400 leagues 
out of my route without its being by force of arms. 

* ' Gov. I know you do not go voluntarily, but I will give you 
a certificate from under my hand of my having obliged you to 
march. 

"Pike. T wn]] arldress yon a letter on the subject. 

"Gov. You will dine with me to-day, and march afterwards 
to a village about six miles distant, escorted by Captain Antony 
D'Almansa, with a detachment of dragoons, who will accompany 
you to where the remainder of your escort is now waiting for 
you, under the command of the officer who commanded the expe- 
dition to the Pawnees. ' ' 

After the dinner — which Captain Pike characterizes as 
' ' rather splendid, ' ' having a variety of dishes, and wines of the 
southern provinces — the governor drove Pike, D 'Almansa, and a 
Mr. Bartholomew, who had proved a special friend to the 
Americans, three miles on the road to the south, the coach being 
attended by a guard of cavalry ; and on parting said to his pris- 
oner-guest : * ' Remember Alencaster in peace or war. ' ' 

Accompanied by his friend Bartholomew and the guard. Pike 



142 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

continued on through a blinding sand, and passed the night at the 
priest's house, at what apparently was the present village of La 
Bajada ; as he says that they ' ' came to a precipice which he de- 
scended, meeting with great difficulty from the obscurity of the 
night. ' ' Shortly after noon of the next day they arrived at the 
pueblo of Santo Domingo, which they describe as "a large vil- 
lage — the population being about 1,000 natives, governed by its 
own chief." The insignia of the governor appears to have been 
nearly the same then as at present, as it is stated that he was 
distinguished by "a cane with a silver head and black tassel." 
Pike visited the old church, and speaks enthusiastically of its 
rich paintings and the image of the saint, "as large as life — 
elegantly ornamented with gold and silver. ' ' 

On Friday, March 6, they arrived at San Felipe, where they 
crossed the Rio Grande on a bridge of eight arches, which seems 
to have attracted Pike's attention specially, as he gives a fall 
description of its construction. Here tliey stopped at the house 
of the padre, Father Rubi, whose hospitality and extended infor- 
mation made the stay a pleasant one. At Albuquerque they 
were similarly entertained by Father Ambrosio Guerra, and Pike 
seems to have been particularly impressed with the beauty of some 
of the orphan girls, whom the good padre had adopted, and was 
bringing up in his household ; and enthusiastically writes, after 
describing the dinner, "and to crown all, we were waited on by 
half a dozen of those beautiful girls, who, like Hebe at the feast 
of the gods, converted oar wine to nectar, and with their am- 
brosial breath shed incense on our cups." 

A short distance further south Pike was rejoiced to meet Dr. 
Robinson, who had left the party, it will be recollected, while they 
still believed they were on the Red river, to find his way to Santa 
Fe. He had received much the same treatment as Lieutenant 
Pike's command, and was being conveyed to Chihuahua by Don 
Facundo Melgares, who was now also to assume command of the 
guard that was conducting Pike. This Melgares was the same 
who had commanded the Spanish Pawnee expedition, and was de- 
scribed by Robinson to Pike in the highest terms as a gentleman 



EXPEDITION OF LIEUT. PIKE — 1806 143 

and soldier of gallantry and honor, praise in which Pike liimself 
heartily joined after a brief acquaintance. 

After passing towns which the lieutenant calls Tousac, St. 
Fernandez, Sabinez, and Xaxales, the expedition reached Sevil- 
leta, spelled by Pike ' ' Sibilleta, " which he calls the neatest and 
most symmetrical village he had seen, being built in a regular 
square, with an unbroken wall on the outside, all the doors and 
windows facing the square. At this point, at that time, the semi- 
annual caravan for the south was formed, leaving in the month 
of February for El Paso, and returning in March ; and making a 
similar expedition in the fall. The spring caravan which Pike 
saw consisted of about 300 men, escorted by an officer and 35 or 
40 troops, and was conducting 15,000 sheep, which had been col- 
lected from various parts of New Mexico, and were to be sold or 
exchanged for merchandise. 

On the 21st of March the whole party arrived at El Paso, and 
Pike, with the officers, stayed at the house of Don Francisco 
Garcia, a wealthy merchant and planter, possessing 20^000 sheep 
and 1,000 cows. 

On April 2 they reached Chihuahua, and Pike immediately had 
an audience with the general commanding, Don Nemecio Salcedo, 
who took his papers for examination, and also requested him to 
write a brief sketch of his travels and adventures on this expedi- 
tion, which he shortly after did. 

After being detained for some time, which however was spent 
quite pleasantly, owing to the hospitality of many of the leading 
citizens. Pike and Robinson were sent by a route nearly directly 
eastward, toward Natchitoches, which was the nearest United 
States post. On June 7th they arrived at San Antonio, where 
they were very hospitably treated by Governor Cordero, of Coa- 
huila and Texas, and Governor Ilerrera, of the kingdom of New 
Leon, who treated them, in the language of Pike, "like their 
children." 

At length, on the 1st of July, 1807 — but three weeks short of a 
year from the time of his departure from St. Louis — after cross- 
ing the whole of what is now the state of Texas, late in the after- 



144 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

noon, but so eager to arrive that they left their jaded horses and 
pressed forward on foot, Pike entered the town of Natchitoches 
with Dr. Robinson. "Language," says he, "cannot express the 
gaiety of my heart when I once more beheld the standard of my 
country waved aloft. 'All hail,' cried I, 'the ever sacred name 
of country, in which is embraced that of kindred, friends, and 
every other tie which is dear to the soul of man ! ' " 

It will be interesting to make a few extracts from the descrip- 
tion which Captain Pike gave of New Mexico in the "Observa- 
tions" which form part of the appendix to the history of his 
expedition; as showing the condition of the country at that 
period, in several respects in which time has wrought changes, 
and in other instances illustrating the characteristics which are 
still distinguishing marks of the territory and its people : 

Mines, etc. — • ' ' There are no mines known in the province, 
except one of copper, situated in a mountain on the west side of 
Rio del Norte, in latitude 34° north. It is worked, and produces 
twenty thousand mule loads of copper annually. It also furnishes 
that article for the manufactories of nearly all the internal pro- 
vinces. It contains gold, but not quite sufficient to pay for its 
extraction ; consequently it has not been pursued. ' ' 

It is not easy to fix the identity of the copper mine referred to, 
as latitude 34° is just below Socorro, but it is probable that the 
latitude given is incorrect, and that the mine was the "Santa 
Rita," then being actively worked, having been discovered in 
1800. This extract may be read in connection with one soon to 
be given on trade and commerce, in which "wrought copper ves- 
sels" appear among the exports. 

Minerals. — ' ' There is, near Santa Fe, in some of the moun- 
tains, a stratum of talc, which is so large and flexible as to render 
it capable of being subdivided into thin flakes, of which the 
greater proportion of the houses in Santa Fe, and in all the vil- 
lages to the north, have their window-lights made." 

These mica mines, especially at Petaca, Nambe, and in the 
vicinity of Mora (where one of the villages is called Talco), are 
well known at present. As late as the time of the American occu- 



EXPEDITION OF LIEUT. PIKE — 1806 145 

pation, in 1846, we are told that no house in Santa Fe, except the 
palace, had windows of glass. 

Trade and Commerce. — "New Mexico carries on a trade di- 
rect with Mexico through Biscay (Chiliuahaa), also with Sonora 
and Sinaloa; it sends out about 30,000 sheep annually, tobacco, 
dressed deer and cabrie skins, some fur, buffalo-robes, salt, and 
wrought copper vessels of a superior quality. It receives in re- 
turn from Biscay and Mexico, dry-goods, confectionery, arms, 
iron, steel, ammunition, and some choice European wines and 
liquors; and from Sonora and Sinaloa gold, silver, and cheese. 
The following articles sell as stated (in this province), which will 
show the cheapness of provisions and the extreme dearness of im- 
ported goods : 

Flour sells per hundred at $ 2.00 

Salt per mule-load 5.00 

Sheep each 1.00 

Beeves each 5.00 

"Wine del Passo per barrel 15.00 

Horses each 11.00 

Mules each 30.00 

Superfine cloths per yard 25.00 

Fine cloths per yard 20.00 

Linen per yard 4.00 

and all other dry-goods in proportion. 

"The journey from Santa Fe to Mexico and returning to 
Santa Fe takes five months. They manufacture rough leather, 
segars, a vast variety and quantity of potters' ware, cotton, some 
coarse woolen cloths, and blankets of a superior quality. All 
these manufactures are carried on by the civilized Indian>s, as the 
Spaniards think it more honorable to be agriculturists than me- 
chanics. The Indians likewise far exceed their conquerors in their 
genius for, and execution of, all mechanical operations. New 
Mexico has the exclusive right of cultivating tobacco." 

From this it will be seen that the manufacture of pottery, the 
evidences of which are found in great quantities in the ruins 
of the oldest pueblos, and which is still carried on to such an 
extent by the Pueblo Indians, was never intermitted by that in- 
dustrious people. The blankets were probably the forerunners of 
the present celebrated productions of the Navajos, which tribe is 
mentioned by Pike under the name of "Nanahaws." Then, as 



146 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

now, the Apaches were the most troublesome of the natives, as 
the "Observations" say, "The Apaches are a nation of Indians 
who extend from the Black Mountains in New Mexico to the 
frontiers of Cogrquilla (Coahuila), keeping the frontiers of these 
provinces in a continual state of alarm, and making it necessary 
to employ nearly 2,000 dragoons to escort the caravans, protect 
the villages, and revenge the attacks they are continually mak- 
ing." 

Government and Laws. — "The government of New Mexico 
may be termed military, in the pure sense of the word; for al- 
though they have their alcaldes, or inferior officers, their judg- 
ments are subject to a reversion by the military commandants of 
districts. The whole male population are subject to military 
duty, without pay or emolument, and are obliged to find their 
own horses, arms, and provisions. The only thing furnished by 
the government is ammunition, and it is extraordinary with what 
subordination they act when they are turned out to do military 
duty ; a strong proof of which was exhibited in the expedition of 
Melgares to the Pawnees. His command consisted of 100 dra- 
goons of the regular service and 500 drafts from the province." 

In the following paragraph Captain Pike pays a warm tribute 
to the bravery of the New Mexicans, and makes a richly merited 
recognition of that generosity and hospitality for which they are 
everywhere noted, and which the lapse of a century has not les- 
sened, but which form as notable a characteristic today as when 
the captain wrote these words in 1807. 

Manners, etc. — "There is notliing peculiarly characteristic 
in this province that will not be embraced in my general observa- 
tions on New Spain, except that being frontier and cut off, as it 
were, from the more inhabited parts of the kingdom, together 
with their continual wars with some of the savage nations who 
surround them, render them the bravest and most hardy subjects 
in New Spain ; being generally armed, they know the use of 
them. Their want of gold and silver renders them laborious, in 
order that the productions of their labor may be the means of 
establishing the equilibrium between them and the other pro- 
vinces where those metals abound. Their isolated and remote 
situation also causes them to exhibit in a superior degree the 
heaven like qualities of hospitality and kindness, in which they 



EXPEDITION OF LIEUT. PIKE — 1806 147 

appear to endeavor to fulfill the injunction of the scripture, 
which enjoins us to feed the hungry, clothe the naked, and give 
comfort to the oppressed in spirit ; and I shall always take plea- 
sure in expressing my gratitude for their noble reception of 
myself and the men under my command. ' ' 



CHAPTER XV 

Mexican Government, 1821-46 

In 1821 the revolutionary sentiment against Spanish authority, 
in Mexico, which had never been quenched from the time of the 
first efforts for freedom under Hidalgo in 1810, assumed practical 
form by the Plan of Iguala, which may be called the Mexican 
Declaration of Independence, promulgated on February 24. 

The revolutionists became so powerful that on August 24 a 
treaty was signed at Cordoba by the viceroy, Don Juan 'Donoju, 
recognizing the independence of Mexico. As the Spanish com- 
mander of the city of Mexico refused to deliver up that city, it 
was captured by General Iturbide on September 27, and Spanish 
authority was at an end in all of New Spain. 

The government of Spain repudiated the action of 'Donoju, 
but this had no practical effect as the new government held un- 
disputed sway. A congress convened to formulate a constitution, 
and finally, on March 19, 1822, 1o the great disgust of its republi- 
can members, adopted an imperial form of government with Gen- 
eral Iturbide as its first emperor under the name of Augustin I. 

The reign of the new emperor was short. The republican 
leaders headed a counter-revolution, which resulted on April 7, 
1823, in a decree of the congress declaring the coronation of 
Iturbide illegal and void and banishing him from the soil of 
Mexico. 

These changes in the government of New Spain necessarily 
affected New Mexico, but there were no conflicts nor bloodshed 
there, the distant and almost isolated territory simply accepting 
the new conditions as they were imposed. 

There was a burst of enthusiasm in Santa Fe over the achieve- 
ment of Mexican independence. When the news arrived on the 



t-' 

tsi 
> 

> 




150 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

day after Christmas, 1821, that Iturbide had captured the city of 
Mexico there was great excitement, and Governor Melgares made 
an inspiring address to a great meeting in the Plaza. It was de- 
termined to have a grand demonstration in honor of Mexican 
independence on January 6, Dia de los Reyes (Epiphany), and 
the celebration lasted from the dawn of that day, ushered in by 
salutes of artillery, till the dawn of the next when the ball at 
the palace ended. All the noted characters of the day took part 
in the ceremonies. Juan Bautista Vigil, destined twenty-four 
years later to receive General Kearny and officially end the 
Mexican authority, was postmaster, and his building on the west 
side of the Plaza was gorgeously decorated. The alcalde, Pedro 
Armendaris, led a grand march. A patriotic drama was pre- 
sented, in which Santiago Abreu represented Independence ; 
Vicar Juan Tomas Terrasas personated Religion ; and Chaplain 
Francisco Osio, the Union. 

Altogether, the new independence, though coupled with an 
emperor, was received with loud acclaim. 

Rulers 

Antonio Viscarra was the first regular executive under Mexi- 
can authority. The title was now clianged from governor to "Po- 
litical Chief." Governor Viscarra succeeded Melgares on July 
5, 1822, and was also acting governor in 1828. 

He was succeeded in June, 1823, by Francisco Xavier Chaves, 
a prominent native New Mexican, who acted for a few weeks until 
the regular appointment of 

Bartolome Baca, who was in authority during half of 1823, 
and until September 13, 1825, when he was succeeded by — 

Antonio Narbona, who held the office until May 20, 1827. lie 
was a Canadian. 

Manuel Armijo then obtained the position, holding it at this 
time but about a year, when — 

Jose Antonio Chavez succeeded, and held the office for three 
years, a long period in those days of rapid changes and short 
administrations. 

Santiago Abreu became political chief in 1831, and continued 



MEXICAN GOVEENMENT, 1821-46 151 

until some time in 1832. He and his two brothei*s, Ramon and 
Marcelino, all came from Mexico some time before, and all were 
killed in the revolution of 1837. Governor Abreu was chief jus- 
tice down to the time of that revolution. 

Francisco Sarracino. — Political chief, 1833 to May 14, 1835, 
except in October, 1834, w^hen Juan Rafael Ortiz was acting ex-' 
ecutive. 

In May, 1835, Mariano Chavez became acting Jefe Politico for 
three months, until the arrival from INIexico, in July, 1835, of — 

Albino Perez, who served as political chief until the new- 
Mexican constitution went into effect and New Mexico was 
changed from a territory into a department, and its executive 
from a political chief to a governor. The new arrangement went 
into operation in May, 1837, Perez being appointed the first gov- 
ernor, and holding the position until he was cruelly murdered 
in the revolution of that year. During the insurrection, and while 
Jose Gonzales was claiming to be governor, the legitimate au- 
thority was held by — 

Pedro Munoz, a colonel in the army, as acting governor, until 
the executive power was assumed by — 

Manuel Armijo, first as commanding general, and after the 
execution of Gonzales in January, 1838, as governor. He was 
soon after regTilarly appointed to the latter office, and held it 
until suspended by the inspector general. For a brief time in 
1841— 

Antonio Sandoval appears as acting governor; and during the 
suspension of Armijo — 

Mariano Martinez de Lejanza was governor from some time 
in 1844 to September 18, 1845, and— 

Jose Chavez from the latter date to December, when Armijo 
was returned to the executive office, and again assumed its duties. 

Manuel Armijo was the last Mexican governor, holding the 
position until the American occupation. 

Juan Bautista Vigil y Alarid became acting governor for a 
short time after Armijo 's retreat, and as such delivered the 
capital to General Kearny, August 18, 1846. 

All through this period, down to the final overthrow of the 



152 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Xavajos long- after the American occupation, there existed an al- 
most constant condition of warfare with tliat powerful tribe. 
Tliey made frequent incursions into the settlements — much as 
the Comanches did in the preceding century ; and in turn armed 
expeditions were made into their country, with a view to their 
punishment and the destruction of their villages and property. 
The military reputation of Melgares was won in such expeditions, 
before he was sent to negotiate with the Pawnees in tlie east. 
They served as a school of military experience. Governor Vigil, 
then a militia officer, took part in no less than four of these cam- 
paigns, in J 823, 1833, 1836, and 1838. Manuel Chaves, Jose 
j\Iaria Chavez, and Roman A. Baca made great reputations as 
leaders in the almost constant Indian wars. 

About the year 1830 the Navajos were kept in very good order 
for a time by the energy of Colonel Vizcarra, but after his de- 
parture no one arose capable of inspiring them with fear. The 
ordinary custom was for peace to be made in the spring, which 
permitted the sowing of grain to be done without danger ; but the 
fall was very likely to see a renewal of hostilities. An expedition 
organized in 1835, in which most of the leading men of the terri- 
tory enlisted as volunteers, was surprised by an ambush in a nar- 
row defile, and forced to retreat with some loss. The Apaches 
also made periodical raids into certain parts of the territory, and 
by attacks on frontier settlements prevented to a great extent the 
spread of population. 

In 1824, Durango, Chihuahua, and New Mexico were united 
in constituting a state of the Mexican Union ; but tliis arrange- 
ment did not last for any great length of time. 

In 1828 the Mexican congress passed a law expelling all native- 
born Spaniards (called Cachupines) from the republic. This of 
course affected a number in New Mexico, including several Fran- 
ciscan friars, who were all forced to leave, with the exception of 
two, named Albino and Castro, who were permitted to remain on 
account of their advanced age — and the payment of $500 each ! 
It was not believed that any large portion of this sum reached the 
official treasury. 



MEXICAN GOVERNMENT, 1821-46 153 

In 1833, Bishop Zubiria, of Durango, made a visitation 
throughout New Mexico, and was received with great enthusiasm. 
Special preparations were made at all points for his reception; 
the roads and bridges on the route were repaired and decorated, 
and the houses decked with flags, colored cloths, and flowers, in 
profusion. He made quite a protracted stay in Santa Fe, and 
visited a number of tow^ns in the territory. A year before. Padre 
Ortiz (Juan Felipe) had been appointed as vicar-general of New 
Mexico. Bishop Zubiria made another visitation to New Mexico 
in 1845, and again in 1850. 

In 1835 the first newspaper enterprise was attempted — Padre 
Martinez, of Taos, issuing a paper, of the size of foolscap, en- 
titled El Crepusculo (meaning The Dawn), weekly for about u 
month, when its particular mission being accomplished, and the 
number of its subscribers (about fifty) not justifying a continu- 
ance, it was abandoned. 

In 1837 occurred the change in the general system of govern- 
ment throughout the republic, which metamorphosed NeAV Mexico 
from a territory into a department, and by its augmented taxa- 
tion and other unpopular features led to an insurrection of large 
importance, and at the time, of very doubtful result. This was 
the first revolution, of any real moment, in a century and a half ; 
for which reason it has appeared best to treat it briefly in a 
separate chapter. (See Chapter XVI.) 

Through many years, since the first passage across the plains 
in the early part of the century, the traffic with the United States 
had been steadily increasing, until it had grown to very large 
proportions, and the goods thus brought to Santa Fe were dis- 
tributed over a large part of northern Mexico. The importance 
of this business and the general interest attached to the history 
of the Santa Fe Trail, has caused that sabject also to have a 
separate chapter devoted to it. (See Chapter XVII.) 

Pioneers 

This intercourse between the valleys of the IMississippi and 
the Rio Grande, naturally ])ronght into New INlexieo merchants 



154 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

and traders from the east, and they, together with trappers and 
hunters who gradually accumulated a competence and settled 
down near the scenes of their active life, constituted a population 
now generally known as the "Pioneers," or the "Old Timers." 
Their history should be separately written, and when their ad- 
ventures and exploits are faithfully recorded, will be as inter- 
esting as the most fascinating romance. Many of the first of 
them ot settle on the western border of the plains were of the 
parentage known as "St. Louis French;" and hence come the 
French names which exist throughout the north of the territory, 
whose existence would otherwise be a mystery. 

Among the first thus to establish a business in New Mexico 
was Antonio Roubidoux, who settled at Taos in 1822. Charles 
Beaubien came to the same town in 1827, and a year later married 
the sister of Don Pedro Valdez. He was one of the grantees of 
the enormous ' ' Beaubien and Miranda Grant, ' ' to which his son- 
in-law gave the name of the "Maxwell Grant." His daughters 
married respectively Lucien B. Maxwell, Jesus G. Abreu, Joseph 
Clouthier, and Frederick Mliller. Colonel Ceran St. Vrain, per- 
haps the most celebrated of southwestern pioneers, lived for many 
years at Taos, and subsequently at Mora, where he owned a large 
mill, and where his grave now is. The Bents built "Bent's 
Fort" in 1829, and in 1832 Bent and St. Vrain commenced busi- 
ness at Taos. There Charles Bent married, and lived until his 
appointment as governor, and violent death in 1847. Kit Carson 
first came from Missouri to Santa Fe in 1826 ; afterwards going 
to Taos, where he studied Spanish with Kinkead, and through 
all the travels and vicissitudes of his after life, retained that as 
his home. Maxwell, on his "Home Ranch" on the Cimarron, 
lived like a feudal chief, dispensing a lavish hospitality, and 
literally "lord of all he surveyed." He employed 500 men, had 
1,000 horses, 10,000 cattle, and 40,000 sheep ; and after the hard- 
ships of early frontier life, enjoyed leisure and profusion in his 
later days. The oldest living "American" in Santa Fe for many 
years was James Conklin, who came in 1825, and died in June, 
1883. Samuel B. Watrous, the father of the town of that name, 
arrived in 1835, and for a considerable time lived at the Placers. 



MEXICAN GOVERNMENT, 182146 155 

James Bonney, whose hospitality both Emory and Abert record, 
was the original settler at La .Junta, in 1842, his house being the 
fii*st one seen in 1846 for a distance of 775 miles in coming from 
the east. Peter Joseph, a native of the Azores, came to Taos in 
1844, and established himself in business. 

It is said that the very first foreigner to settle in New Mexico 
was a Frenchman, named Jean d'Alay, who came to Taos in 
1743 ; and that the well-known Alarid family is descended from 
him. 

Among valuable documents recently acquired by the Histori- 
cal Society is an official list of the foreigners residing in Taos 
and Mora just before the American occupation, dated September 
20, 1845. It is interesting, not only for the information thus 
afforded, but on account of the extraordinary spelling of a num- 
ber of the English names. It reads as follows : 

Taos 

Luis Lee Tomas Ortibi 

Beaubien Antonio Ledoux 

Luciano Manuel Pascual Rivera 

Abran Lodis Juan Bta. Ortibi 

Alarid Blanco Francisco Lafore 

Manuel Lefebre Simon Foler 

Jose Bielin Yorga Lon 

Antonio Dillette Jose Manuel Grejan 

Antonio Brachel Juan Bautista Laerne 

Carlos Foun Jorge Bui 

Mora 

Antonio Ledux Luis Carbono 

Juan Bautista Brichal Juan Bautista Yara 

Santiago Bone 



Texan Santa Fe Expedition 

In the year 1841 great excitement was produced by reports of 
the coming of an invading army from Texas, for the purpose of 



156 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

conquering the territory. George W. Kendall, the editor of the 
New Orleans Picayune, who accompanied this expedition simply 
as a traveller, has left a very graphic account of its history in 
his Santa Fc Expedition, published in 1844. According to his 
statement, it had no intention of making war; but simply to en- 
deavor to open a mercantile trade. The Mexican authorities, 
however, naturally regarded it as a direct invasion of their terri- 
tory; and terrible stories were circulated as to the ferocity of 
the Texans, who, it was said, would burn, slay, and destroy 
wherever they went. 

The expedition set out from Austin on the 18th of June, 1811, 
under conmiand of General McLeod ; and consisted of 270 mount- 
ed volunteers, divided into six companies, of which one was of 
artillery and pro\dded with a brass six-pounder ; and about fifty 
others, including commissioners, merchants, tourists, and ser- 
vants. Their march was a very dangerous and arduous one, as it 
passed through a country entirely untravelled. When a long 
distance out on the plains. Lieutenant Hull and four men were 
killed by the Caygua Indians ; and soon, on account of the diffi- 
culty in finding water, it was determined to divide the party. 
Captain Sutton, with eighty-seven soldiers and twelve civilians, 
being sent in advance on the best horses to find the nearest 
settlements and send word back to the remainder. They took 
rations for five days, but owing to their lack of knowledge of the 
country, it was thirteen before they met any human beings, when 
they fell in with a partj^ of Mexicans in the vicinity of the pres- 
ent Fort Bascom. From here two of the party, Captain Lewis 
and Mr. Van Ness, who spoke Spanish, were sent ahead to confer 
with the authorities, and two merchants with Mr. Kendall ac- 
companied them. 

The following morning they proceeded through La Cuesta to 
San Miguel, and on the way were met by Damacio Salazar, with 
100 roughly dressed but well mounted soldiers. Having sur- 
rounded the party with his men, Salazar said that he must de- 
mand their arms. These were given up, and soon after Salazar 
said that his instructions were to take all papers and similar 
articles. Thev were shocked a little later to see twelve men 



MEXICAN GOVERNMENT, 1821-46 157 

drawn up before them with the evident intent of shooting them 
then and there ; and this would have been accomplished but for 
the intervention of Don Gregorio Vigil, who stopped the bloody 
deed. The prisoners — for such they now were — were then 
marched through La Cuesta and Puertocito to San Miguel, where 
they were confined in a room; the women all along the route 
showing a kindness and sympathy in marked contrast with the 
unnecessary cruelty of their captors. The next day on the road 
to Santa Fe, they met Governor Armijo, who directed them to be 
retaken to San Miguel. Here, from their little window, they saw 
two of their late companions shot for having attempted to escape 
after being taken. 

On the 17th of October the whole Texan expedition marched 
out of San Miguel, on the way to the city of Mexico, under 
a strong guard commanded by Salazar. The story of their 
sufferings and privations, of the numberless cruelties and perse- 
cutions inflicted by Salazar ; of the great contrast in their treat- 
ment when they were transferred at El Paso to the care of Gen- 
eral J. M. Elias Gonzales, who put Salazar under arrest; of the 
kindness and hospitality of this General "Elias" and Padre 
Ortiz, and of their long imprisonment in Mexico — is graphically 
told by Mr. Kendall, but cannot have further space here. 



In 1811 Governor Martinez issued a proclamation which is 
interesting as containing the last arrangement of civil divisions 
under the Mexican rule, and also as giving the estimated popula- 
tions. The districts are as follows : 

Central District — Counties of Santa Fe, Santa Ana, and San 
Miguel del Bado, with populations of 12,500, 10,500, and 18,800. 

North District — Counties of Rio Arriba and Taos, with popu- 
lations of 15,000 and 14,200. 

Southeast District — Counties of Valencia and Bernalillo. 
Populations 20,000 and 8,204. 

This gives the total population of the territory as 99,204. The 
proclamation is dated June 17, 1844. 

Governor Martinez was a special friend of education. He 



158 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

sent a number of the most promising young men in the territory 
to Durango and the city of Mexico to receive military educations ; 
and established additional government schools in Santa Fe. 

Mariano Martinez was the only governor except Perez sent 
direct from Mexico to rule this remote northern department, lie 
was a distinguished military man, of fine appearance and many 
progressive ideas. It was he who planted the first trees in the 
Plaza of Santa Fe, which had before been a sandy waste. The 
large cottonwoods, still standing, were placed there by his orders. 
He also made a park in front of the Rosario chapel, and an ave- 
nue of trees leading to it. For lack of care, all of those trees 
perished. Governor Martinez is best remembered on account of 
the killing of the Ute chief, Panasiyave, with a blow from his 
chair, in the reception room of the palace, when he was attacked 
by six chiefs who were dissatisfied with the presents given to 
them. This was on September 7, 1844, and the next day the gov- 
ernor issued a four-page statement of the case, giving all the par- 
ticulars, in order that the people should understand the provo- 
cation that led to tliis unfortunate affair. 

During the Mexican regime New Mexico was from time to time 
represented in the Mexican congress. Among the most distin- 
guished representatives were Antonio Jose Martinez, of Taos, 
Juan Felipe Ortiz, of Santa Fe, and Diego Archuleta, of Rio 
Arriba. 

This completes the summary of the leading events prior to the 
American occupation in 1846, but, before proceeding to that, we 
will devote a chapter to a list of the Spanish and Mexican gover- 
nors, so far as they can be ascertained. The burning of the re- 
cords in the Plaza of Santa Fe in 1680 makes it impossible to be 
entirely accurate as to those holding office before that day. 



CHAPTER XVI 

The Insurrection of 1S37 

For the commencement of the causes which led to this outbreak, 
we must go back two years, to the time when Albino Perez, a 
colonel of the Mexican army, was appointed political chief by 
President Santa Ana, in 1835. Ever since the independence of 
Mexico the people of the territory had been governed by native 
New Mexicans, or by those who had become identified with their 
interests. Members of well-known families, as Baca, Chaves, 
Armijo, Sarracino, and Abreu had been among their recent 
rulers, and the last Spanish governor, IMelgares, was one of whose 
brilliant record they were all proud ; but Governor Perez was an 
entire stranger, sent from Mexico ; and even if he had been abso- 
lutely perfect, his appointment would have occasioned discon- 
tent. The feeling was increased during the next year by events 
connected with the trial of the disbursing officers of the territory, 
who were charged with peculation ; and the highest pitch of ex- 
citement was reached when in April, 1837, the new Mexican con- 
stitution went into effect, which changed the territory into a 
department, centralized power in many respects, and imposed 
taxes to which the people had never before been subject. The 
opponents of the government exaggerated the bad features of 
the new system so as to render them still more obnoxious, until 
the people, especially in the north, were ready to break into re- 
volt at the first signal. An occasion soon presented itself in the ar- 
rest and imprisonment of a local judicial officer on what the peo- 
ple considered a false charge ; a large assemblage hurriedly gath- 
ered, released him by force, and raised the standard of revolution. 
This was on the first of August, 1837. Santa Cruz became the 
headquarters of the movement, and within two days a large num- 



160 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

ber of men dissatisfied with the government had collected there, 
embracing many Mexicans from the northern counties, especially 
from the vicinity of Chimayo, and the majority of the Pueblo 
Indians from the adjacent villages, except San Juan. On August 
3d they issued the following "Plan," which was published and 
circulated : 

"Viva! God and the Nation! and the faith of Jesus Christ! 
For the principal points which we defend are the following : 

"1st. To be with God and the Nation, and the faith of Jesus 
Christ, 

' ' 2d. To defend our country until we spill every drop of our 
blood in order to obtain the victory we have in view. 

"3d. Not to admit the departmental 'plan.' 

* * 4th. Not to admit any tax. 

"5th. Not to admit the disorder desired by those who are at- 
tempting to procure it. God and the Nation ! 

"Encampment, Santa Cruz de la Caiiada, August 3d, 1837." 

As soon as Governor Perez received news of this revolt, he 
assembled what troops he had at command, and called on the 
militia to report for duty; but to this call received a very luke- 
warm response. The Indians of San Juan and Santo Domingo, 
however, remained apparently true, and accompanied by the 
warriors from those pueblos and his own soldiers, he marched to 
put down the rebels. These he met on the second day, near San 
Yldefonso, but upon approaching them, nearly all of the gover- 
nor's army deserted and fraternized with their opponents; leav- 
ing so few faithful to his standard that Perez was forced to move 
with all speed toward Santa Fe. Lieutenant Migl^el Sena, Ser- 
geant Sais, and lioreto Romero, who Avere among those who re- 
mained loyal, were killed by the revolutionists near the Puerto- 
cito, between Santa Cruz and Pojuaque. Finding that there was 
no security at the palace, the governor left the city at 10 o'clock 
at night to escape to the south, but the roads were all blocked by 
squads of revolutionists, and his party was soon forced to retreat 
and again retire towards the capital. Traveling on foot, the bet- 
ter to conceal his identity, Governor Perez reached the house of 
Salvador Martinez, about a league southwest of Santa Fe, and 



THE INSUERECTION OF 1837 161 

took refuge there, but was soon found by Indians from Santo 
Domingo, who were following his track, and almost instantly 
killed. The exact place of his assassination is now marked by a 
stone monument, erected in 1901 by the Daughters of the Ameri- 
can Revolution. Before his pulse had ceased to beat, they cut 
off his head — compelling Santiago Prada, one of his own soldiers, 
to perform the deed — and carried it to the headquarters of the 
insurgents, which were near the Rosario church, in the western 
outskirts of Santa Fe. On the same day Jesus Maria Alarid, 
secretary of state, and Santiago Abreu, formerly governor, w^ere 
taken together near the Mesita of Santo Domingo, and killed; 
the latter with special cruelty. Ramon Abreu and Marcelino 
Abreu, brothers of the ex-governor, and Lieutenant Madrigal and 
another, were overtaken on the same road, at a place called ' ' Las 
Palacias," between Cieneguilla and Agua Fria, and killed. Colo- 
nel Aponte was wounded, taken prisoner, and killed. 

All this was on the 9th of August; and the next day the in- 
surgents entered the city without opposition, under command of 
General ' ' Chopon, ' ' of Taos, and the Montoya brothers took pos- 
session of the palace, and offered up thanks in the parish church 
for their victory. Jose Gonzales, of Taos, was elected governor, 
and duly installed in office in the palace ; and the revolutionary 
army, having now accomplished its object, immediately disband- 
ed — ■ its members returning to their homes. 

There can be no doubt that the movement had the secret sup- 
port and approval of many of the leading men of the northern 
counties, including Santa Fe itself ; and on August 27 and 28 a 
general assembly composed of the alcaldes and other influential 
citizens in the northern half of the territory, met at Santa Fe at 
the palace and ratified the acts of the revolutionists. Among 
those participating was Manuel Armijo, but almost immediately 
thereafter he left for the Rio Abajo or lower country, where he 
organized a counter-revolution and prepared to march to Santa 
Fe with a considerable force. 

The sentiment against the "Canton," as the revolutionists 
called their organization, was formulated in what is known as the 



162 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

" Pronunciamiento de Tome," promulgated on September 8, 1837, 
in the name of the "Citizens, Trovers of their Country, in Favor 
of the Constitution and the Laws." This declared that until 
other orders from the supreme government of Mexico they would 
recognize the prefect of the district of Albuquerque (southern 
district) as the legal authority in New Mexico ; that an army be 
raised to be commanded by Manuel Armijo, with Mariano Chaves 
as second in command, and with Vicente Sanchez Vergara as 
secretary. This pronunciamiento was signed by Manuel Armijo. 
Francisco Ignacio Madariaga (the parish priest of Tome), Jose 
Salazar, Pablo Salazar, Jose Francisco IMontoya, and Miguel de 
Olona. It was rapidly distributed throughout the country and 
met with an immediate response in all the Rio Abajo region. 

When Gonzales heard that Armijo was marching up from Al- 
buquerque, he withdrew from the capital to Santa Cruz, wliieli 
was the center of the revolutionary feeling. Armijo thereupon 
entered Santa Fe, assumed charge of the government and pro- 
claimed himself commandant-general of the province. He im- 
mediately sent dispatches to the central government in Mexico, 
stating that he had overthrown the rebellion ; and as a result was 
appointed governor of New Mexico — a position wliich he held 
for the greater part of nine years. At the same time the na- 
tional authorities dispatched troops from Zaeatecas and Chi- 
huahua to assist in the final suppression of the insurrection. 
With these and his own soldiers, Annijo made a rapid marcli to 
Santa Cruz, in January, 1838, and succeeded in defeating the en- 
tire rebel army and capturing all the leaders. Immediate punish- 
ment followed, no mercy being shown. On January 24 the two 
brothers Montoya (Desiderio and Antonio Abad), Juan Jose Es- 
quibel, and Juan Vigil were executed near the old Spanish fort 
or Garita on the little hill in the northern part of Santa Fe. 
Gonzales was killed by the immediate command of Armijo him- 
self directly after the victory at La Cailada. The story is that 
Gonzales, on being captured, was brought before Armijo, who was 
then in the outskirts of the town, and on seeing the general, Gon- 
zalez came forward with hand extended, saying *'How do you do, 



THE INSUERECTION OF 1837 163 

Compafiero?" as was proper between two of equal rank as gover- 
nors. Armijo replied, "How do you do, Compafiero? Confess 
yourself, Compauero." Then turning to his soldiers, added, 
"Now shoot my compafiero!" — which command was immediate- 
ly executed. This etfectually ended the revolution of 1837. 



CHAPTER XVII 

The Santa Fe Trail 

Though Mexico was settled early in the sixteenth century, and 
the Spaniards soon after penetrated over 1,500 miles to the north 
and occupied the valley of the Rio Grande as far as northern New 
Mexico, and another colonization from England and France had 
populated the eastern shores of what is now the United States 
and Canada early in the seventeenth century, and had extended 
westward to the Mississippi Vallej^, yet it was left for the nine- 
teenth century to see any communication whatever between these 
two populations, situated on the same continent, yet separated 
by mountains and by the great expanse of desert plain. 

The French and Spaniards had successively been the rulers of 
the vast territory extending westward from the Mississippi, then 
all included under the name of Louisiana; yet the people of 
neither of those nationalities had displayed the enterprise requi- 
site to cross the intervening space between themselves and New 
Mexico, and brave the hostility of the tribes which roamed over 
the plains between. 

It was not until after the acquisition of Louisiana by the United 
States that such a journey was accomplished, or even attempted. 
In 1803 President Jefferson completed the negotiation for the 
purchase of Louisiana from the Emperor Napoleon, and the sov- 
ereignty of that vast domain was transferred from the French to 
the Americans. The chief city of the Mississippi Valley, in the 
newly acquired territory, was St. Louis ; the principal settlement 
on the easterly side of the river, within the old boundaries of the 
United States, was Kaskaskia. Each of these places claims the 
credit of sending the first adventurers across the plains to meet 



THE Sx\NTA FE TRAIL 165 

the tide of Spanish colonization coming from the south, at Santa 
Fe ; and it is difficult to say which has the prior right. 

In 1804, Mr. Morrison, an enterprising merchant of Kaskaskia, 
sent a man called Baptiste La Lande, a French Creole from Louis- 
iana, to the head-waters of the Missouri and Platte, and furnished 
him with goods with which to trade with the Indians. With little 
idea of distance, the astute Kaskaskia merchant directed La 
Lande, if it should be possible, to press on to Santa Fe. La Lande 
was evidently a man of energy, though we cannot admire some of 
his other qualities ; and succeeded finally in sending in some In- 
dians to the Spanish borders, who gave a report of the arrival 
of this stranger from the far and almost unknown east. A party 
of Mexicans on horseback conveyed him and his goods into the 
northern settlements near Taos, from where he traveled on to 
Santa Fe, selling his merchandise as he went. Pleased with the 
country, in which he obtained far higher prices than he had 
dreamed of elsewhere, and where the hospitable people offered 
him land and other inducements if he would stay ; and captivated 
by some of the bright-eyed brunettes of the city, he concluded to 
return no more, not even to account to Mr. Morrison for his 
goods ; and so, with the proceeds thus simply obtained, he settled 
down in the capital of the province. 

Two years before La Lande left the banks of the Mississippi, 
James Pursley, or Purcell, an enterprising Kentuckian, who was 
by turns a hunter, trapper, and trader, and a fair type of the 
pioneers of those early days, left St. Louis on a hunting expedi- 
tion to the head-waters of the Osage river, in what is now south- 
western Missouri, with two companions. His varied adventures 
during three years of wanderings, which covered most of the 
country between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains, can- 
not be narrated here. After much travel and many adventures, 
he finally reached the northern border of New ^Mexico, in com- 
pany with a great party of Indians, fully 2,000 in number. 
Wishing to ascertain whether the Spaniards would receive them 
in a friendly way and enter into trade, the Indians sent Pursley, 
with a small escort, to Santa Fe as a kind of ambassador. The 



166 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

governor (Alencaster) acceded to the request, and shortly after- 
ward the whole band followed its advance guard, and after some 
time spent in trading, set out on its return to the north. 

But Pursley, tired of life among the savages, concluded to re- 
main in Santa Fe. He arrived there in June, 1805 — over three 
years after his departure from St. Louis — and settled down to 
the pursuit of his trade as a carpenter; at which, we are told, 
"he made a great deal of money, except when working for the 
officers, who paid him little or nothing. ' ' Here Pike found him 
in 1807, and had the celebrated conversation which has given to 
Pursley the fame of being the first discoverer of the gold of Colo- 
rado — • more than half a century before the discovery which 
brought so many thousands to Pike's Peak and the caiions and 
mountains of the centennial state. "He assured me," says Pike, 
' ' that he had found gold on the head of La Platte, and had car- 
ried some of the virgin mineral in his shot-pouch for months ; but 
that being in doubt whether he should ever again behold the civi- 
lized world, he threw the sample away. ' ' 

These two adventurous traders may be called the Fathers of the 
Santa Fe Trail, although the route which they traveled was far 
from direct, and their final arrival in New Mexico more the result 
of chance than of any calculation. The visit of Lieutenant Pike 
and his unfortunate party to Santa Fe in 1807 was irather in- 
voluntary than otherwise, yet from it flowed important results; 
for the descriptions which he published of liis travels on his 
return created much interest throughout the west, and many of 
the adventurous sons of the border yearned to follow the path 
which led to the city whose very isolation gave it an air of ro- 
mance. 

The first real expedition was undertaken in 1812 by a company 
of about a dozen enterpiising men of St. Louis, who fitted out a 
party under command of Robert McKnight, which followed 
nearly the roiite described by Pike. They arrived after various 
hardships, in safety, at Santa Fe, but only to encounter unex- 
pected troubles. Unfortunately, their appearance at the capital 
was exactly at the wrong time. The attempted revolution under 
Hidalgo had just been put down, and every American adven- 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL 167 

turer was looked upon with suspicion. McKnight and his party 
found themselves arrested as spies, their merchandise seized and 
confiscated ; and they were themselves soon sent to follow I'ike to 
Chihuahua, in the prison of which city they languished in rigorous 
confinement until the success of the republican movement under 
Iturbide brought their release. 

In 1815, Auguste P. Chouteau and Julius DeMunn, from St. 
Louis, went to the headquarters of the Arkansas to trade with the 
Indians and the next year penetrated southward to Taos and 
Santa Fe, where they were well received by Governor Maynez. 
But shortly afterwards Pedro Maria de Allande became governor, 
and a change of policy took place; and Chouteau and De Munn 
were arrested on the Animas river, brought to Santa Fe, im- 
prisoned for fifty days, and finally deprived of all their property. 

Shortly after, in 1819, David Meriwether, an Indian trader, 
was captured on the Arkansas river and imprisoned for some time 
at Santa Fe. These events naturally prevented any further at- 
tempt at traffic across the plains until the overthrow of the Span- 
ish authority by the Mexican revolution in 1821. By a strange 
chance of fortune the same David Meriwether who was imprisoned 
in Santa Fe in 1819, re-entered the city as American governor 
of New Mexico in 1853. 

In 1821, an Ohio merchant named Glenn, arrived in Santa Fe 
with a small caravan, having come by what appears still to have 
been the only known route — into the mountains of the present 
Colorado, and thence down the Rio Grande. 

In the same year, 1821, Captain William Becknell, who is now 
called the founder of the "Commerce of the Prairies," a Mis- 
sourian, who had made an expedition from Franklin to the 
Rocky Mountains, to trade with the Indians, concluded to seek 
the new Mecca of merchants to the south ; and found at Santa Fe 
a far better market than among the Comanehes. Returning that 
winter with the fruits of his enterprise, he raised a company of 
thirty friends, and with them and an assortment of goods which 
cost about $5,000, and was the largest venture of the kind .yet 
made, started across the plains. They determined to try a more 
direct route, and so branched off from the Arkansas river at the 



168 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

point called ' ' the Caches, ' ' intending to march directly southwest 
to Santa Fe. But this daring enterprise came near costing 
them all their lives, for the unknown country into which they 
thus started as pioneers was utterly devoid of water. Their 
scanty supply was soon exhausted, and the horrors of thirst took 
possession of them. They killed their dogs and cut off the ears 
of their mules in order to endeavor to find a moment's relief by 
drinking the warm blood of the animals. 

Early in May, Colonel Cooper, a neighbor of Captain Becknell, 
had left Missouri, about fifteen being in the party, and by pur- 
suing the better known route up the Arkansas, had successfully 
made the journey. Down to this time, and indeed until 1824, all 
of the expeditions were on mule-back, and of course the amount of 
goods that could be transported was comparatively inconsider- 
able ; but in the latter year a new departure was made by the 
employment of vehicles. The caravan which then started con- 
sisted of twenty-five wagons of different kinds, the largest part 
being what were then called "Dearborn carriages," besides a 
number of the pack-mules which had usually been employed ; and 
their success in making the trip, which presented fewer diffi- 
culties than had been anticipated, gave a great impetus to the' 
Santa Fe trade. The original cost of the goods brought by this 
caravan was $25,000 to $30,000. 

From this time the trips across the plains became more fre- 
quent. The profits made on American goods successfully trans- 
ported were immense, because the only other route by which they 
could be received was by the sea to Vera Cruz, across the country 
to the city of Mexico, thence over the long and difficult road to 
El Paso, and finally by the semi-annual caravans up the Kio 
Grande, and crossing the Jornada, to Santa Fe. Plain domestic 
cottons sold as high as $2.00 or $3.00 per yard, on the plaza of 
the capital. It is not strange that the reports of such profits 
should have stimulated enterprise, and caused the adventurous 
merchant to esteem the Santa Fe market as better than a gold 
field. 

The occurrence of murderous attacks by Indians caused the gov- 
ernment in 1827 to furnish an armed escort, consisting of four 



THE SANTA Fe TRAIL 169 

companies of troops under Major Riley, which was to protect 
the caravan as far as Chouteau's Island, in the Arkansas, and the 
various traders consolidated their trains into one long caravan. 
But for some unexplained reason the government failed to fur- 
nish similar military protection the next year, and it was only 
repeated on special occasions thereafter, as in 1834, when Cap- 
tain "Wharton's dragoons were detailed for the service, and in 
1843, when a formidable army under Captain Cooke escorted 
two large caravans past the principal points of danger. 

As early as 1825 the government had taken the first steps in 
favor of encouraging the traffickers of the plains by appointing 
a commission, consisting of Messrs. Reeves, Sibley, and INIatthews, 
to lay out a road from the border of Missouri to the confines of 
Santa Fe, but this work was never completed. 

The first route followed, as we have seen, was by a line almost 
directly westward to the mountains of Colorado, and thence 
south to Taos. Afterwards, when the trade assumed importance, 
a road along the Arkansas, and thence southwest to the Raton 
Pass, following substantially the present line of the Atchison, 
Topeka & Santa Fe railroad, was used ; but another route which 
was a favorite one for a long series of years was that along the 
Arkansas, thence across to the Cimarron, and so entering New 
Mexico, proceeding in an almost direct line to the Wagon Mound 
— which made a conspicuous landmark — and thence to Las 
Vegas, San Miguel, and Santa Fe. A few trips were made by a 
more southerly route, starting from Van Buren, in Arkansas, in- 
stead of Independence; and Mr. Gregg pronounced this the most 
excellent natural line of travel. But it never became popular, or 
was more than an experiment. 

In 1839 an attempt was made to establish a route from Chi- 
huahua and El Paso to the east, without going to Santa Fe at all. 
This was undertaken chiefly by Mexican merchants, but Dr. Con- 
nelly took a leading part in the enterprise also. The expedition 
set out from Chihuahua, April 3, 1839, amid general acclama- 
tions, as the people saw in it the commencement of a great whole- 
sale trade for their city. Seven wagons, with about $250,000 
in bullion, constituted the caravan ; and for lack of knowledge of 



170 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

the country, lost considerable time, both in going and returning, 
and did not reach Chihuahua, on their return (when they brought 
sixty or seventy wagons laden with merchandise), until August 
27, 1840. A change, meanwhile, had taken place in the Mexican 
officials, which greatly affected the duties to be paid, so that the 
enterprise was a financial failure, and was never repeated. 

Down to 1824 only pack-animals were employed ; in 1824 and 
1825 pack-animals and wagons ; and commencing in 1826, nothing 
but wagons. Oxen were first used in 1830. The following sta- 
tistics, taken from Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies, show the 
gradual increase in the business from its commencement in 1822 
until 1843, when the trade was temporarily closed : 

Years C'ost of Merchandise No. Wagons Men 

1822 $ 15,000 70 

1823 12,000 50 

1824 35,000 2G 100 

1825 65,000 37 130 

1826 90,000 60 100 

1827 85,000 55 90 

1828 150,000 100 200 

1829 60,000 30 50 

1830 120,000 70 140 

1831 250,000 130 320 

1832 140,000 70 150 

1833 180,000 105 185 

1834 150,000 80 160 

1835 140,000 75 140 

1836 130,000 70 135 

1837 150,000 80 160 

1838 90,000 50 100 

1839 250,000 130 250 

1840 50,000 30 60 

1841 150,000 60 100 

1842 160,000 70 120 

1843 450,000 230 350 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL 171 

In the beginning of the traffic across the plains, those engaged 
in it were nearly all Americans or French, from the western 
states ; but gradually New Mexicans of wealth began to take part 
in the business, until in 1843 the greater part of the traders were 
New Mexicans, and they bid fair to secure a monopoly. 

While the time occupied in making the passage, of course, 
varied considerably according to circumstances, yet an average 
trip to Santa Fe, with loaded wagons, occupied about seventy 
days, and the return trip about forty days. The eastward loads 
were comparatively light, usually from 1,000 to 2,000 pounds, and 
the approaching winter compelled haste. On one occasion F. X. 
Aubrey, a young man of Canadian descent, rode, on a wager, from 
Santa Fe to Independence in five days and ten hours; his own 
mare Nellie carrying him 150 miles of the distance. 

Gregg, in his Commerce of the Prairies, gives a graphic ac- 
count of the way in which the movements of the caravan were 
managed. The first business was to elect a ' ' Captain of the Cara- 
van," who directed the order of travel and designated the camp- 
ing-grounds. The proprietors furnished a full list of the wagons 
and men, and the caravan was then apportioned into about four 
divisions, each with a lieutenant in command, as they generally 
marched in four lines abreast. 

The place of rendezvous for the caravan was usually Council 
Grove, the wagons leaving Independence at somewhat different 
times. 

It was the custom when about 200 miles from Santa Fe to send 
a party of couriers, composed generally of proprietors or agents, 
ahead to that city, with a view to procuring provisions, securing 
good store-houses, and if possible arriving at an understanding 
with the custom-house officials. At the crossing of Red river, 
some part of the caravan frequently left the main body to proceed 
westerly to Taos; and a little further on they were met by the 
custom-house guard, who came to escort the caravan into Santa 
Fe to prevent smuggling. 

When the caravan finally came in sight of Santa Fe, great ex- 
citement prevailed both among those connected with the wagons, 



172 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

and in the city, and the arrival produced a great deal of bustle 
among the natives. 

The wagons were soon discharged in the warerooms of the 
custom-house ; and the weary travelers had time to take that re- 
creation which a fatiguing journey of ten weeks had rendered so 
necessary. 

The derechos de arancel (tariff duties) of Mexico were extreme- 
ly oppressive, averaging about 100% upon the United States' cost 
of an ordinary Santa Fe assortment. Those on cotton textures 
are particularly so. According to the arancel of 1837 all plain- 
wove cottons, whether white or printed, paid twelve and a half 
cents duty per vara, besides the derecho de consumo (consump- 
tion duty), which brought it up to at least fifteen. For a few 
years. Governor Armijo established a tariff' of his own, entirely 
arbitrary — exacting $500 for each wagon-load, whether large 
or small, of fine or coarse goods I Of course this was very advan- 
tageous to traders having large wagons, and costly assortments, 
while it was no less onerous to those with smaller vehicles of 
coarse heavy goods. As might have been anticipated, the traders 
soon used only the largest wagons, dra^vn by ten or twelve mules, 
and omitted the coarser and more weighty articles of trade. 
This caused the governor to return to the ad valorem system, 
though still without regard to the arancel general of the nation. 
It was calculated that the amount collected each year at this 
time amounted to between $50,000 and $60,000. 

The return trip usually commenced four or five weeks after the 
arrival at Santa Fe ; generally about the 1st of September. 
Usually the caravan consisted of only thirty or forty wagons, a 
large portion of those taken out being disposed of in the country. 
The return cargo, which was the proceeds of the venture, was 
silver bullion from Chihuahua — and in later years, gold-dust 
from the placers south of Santa Fe — buffalo-rugs, furs, coarse 
Mexican blankets and wool, the latter, however, hardly paying a 
fair freight, but being used to fill wagons which would otherwise 
have been empty. 

Stories of tragedies on the plains, during the early days, could 



THE SANTA FE TEAIL 173 

be multiplied almost indefinitely. Generally they resulted from 
the carelessness or over-confidence of the traders. 

After the year 1831, however, Indian attacks on the regular 
route ceased; but soon after, new difficulties arose. The treat- 
ment of the Texan "Santa Fe Expedition," in 1841, which is 
narrated elsewhere, aroused great indignation in the "Lone Star" 
Republic, and rumors were rife in 1842 that a band of Texans was 
preparing for an organized attack on any Mexicans whom they 
could find on the Santa Fe Trail. Early in the next year one 
Colonel Warfield, said to have held a Texan commission, formed a 
company, with which he attacked the town of Mora — then the 
most advanced settlement in that direction — killing five men and 
driving off a lot of horses. About the same time a Texan named 
John McDaniel, claiming to hold a captain's commission, raised a 
party of men on the border of Missouri, and started to join War- 
field. On the way he met Don Antonio Jose Chavez, of New 
Mexico, traveling towards Independence with a small party, con- 
sisting of five servants, wdtli two wagons and fifty-five mules, and 
$10,000 or $12,000 in specie and bullion. Although within the 
United States territory, the marauders did not hesitate to attack 
Chavez, and rifle his baggage, from which each member of Mc- 
Daniel's party obtained about $500 as his share of the booty; 
and immediately after, seven of them left for the settlements, 
satisfied with this exploit. The remaining eight for some reason 
determined to murder Chavez, and soon after carried their cruel 
design into execution — taking their victim a few rods from the 
camp and shooting him in cold blood. A considerable amount of 
gold was found on his person and in his trunk, and was divided 
among the murderers, who thereupon fled towards Missouri. 

This outrage was the more abominable because Chavez belonged 
to a very influential family, who had done all that kind hearts 
could dictate to alleviate the sufferings of the Texan prisoners, 
on their march down the Rio Grande. 

As soon as the outlaws reached the borders of civilization, ten 
of them were arrested and sent to St. Louis for trial, five others 
escaping. Those of the prisoners who were found guilty of par- 



174 HISTORY OF NEAV MEXICO 

ticipation iu the murder of Chavez, including Captain McDaniel, 
were executed according to law, and the others were convicted of 
robbery and sentenced accordingly. 

About ]May 1st, of the same year, a company of 175 men was 
organized in northern Texas, under Colonel Snively, for opera- 
tions against Mexicans engaged in the Santa Fe trade. They 
soon after encountered a Mexican caravan, containing about 100 
men, attacked it, and killed eighteen besides five who subsequently 
died, and captured nearh'- all of the remainder. This was in 
Mexican or Texan territory, and has been justified by some as a 
fair act of warfare ; but by others it has been held to be beyond 
the proper limits of belligerency. 

The occurrence of such events determined President Santa Ana 
to close the north of the Mexican Republic against any further 
commerce ; which for a time ended the business of the Santa Fe 
Trail. The decree is dated at Tacubaya, August 7, 1843, and 
was to take effect in forty-five days. The next spring, however, 
the custom-houses were re-opened and the trade renewed. In 
1846 the number of wagons in the caravan was 414, and the 
value of the merchandise transported was estimated at $1,752,250. 
After the American occupation the business of the Santa Fe 
Trail still further increased; new and large commercial estab- 
lishments being founded at the capital city, from which a great 
part of northern Mexico as well as New Mexico and Arizona were 
supplied. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

Spanish and Mexican Governors 

SPANISH GOVERNORS AND CAPTAINS GENERAL OF NEW MEXICO 

Juan de Oilate, 1598-1608. 
Pedro de Peralta, 1608. 
Felipe Zotylo, 1621-8. 
Manuel de Silva, 1629. 
Fernando de Argnello, 1640. 
Luis de Rosas, 1641. 

Valdez, 1642. 

Alonso Pacheco de Heredia, 1643. 

Fernando de Arguello, 1645. 

Luis de Guzman, 1647. 

Hernando de JJgarte y la Concha, 1650. 

Juan de Samaniego, 1653-4. 

Enrique de Avila y Pacheco, 1656. 

Bernardo Lopez de Mendizabal, 1 660. 

Diego de Pefialoza Briceno, 1661-4. 

Fernando de Villanueva. 

Juan de Medrano. 

Juan de Miranda. 

Juan Francisco de Treviiio, 1675. 

Antonio Otermin, 1679-83. 

Domingo Jironza Petriz Cruzate, 1683-6. 

Pedro Reneros de Posada, 1686-9. 

Domingo Jironza Petriz Cruzate, 1689-91. 

Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponce de Leon, 1691-7. 

Pedro Rodriguez Cubero, 1697-1703. 

Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponce de Leon, 1703-4. 

Juan Paez Hurtado, acting, 1704-5. 



176 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

Francisco Cuervo y Valdez, ad interim, 1705-7. 
Jose Chacon JVIedina Salazar y Villasefior, Marquez de la Pefiu- 
ela, 1707-12. 

Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollon, 1712-15. 

Felix Martinez, ad interim, 1715-17. 

Juan Paez Hurtado, acting, 171 7. 

Antonio Valverde y Cosio, ad interim, 1717-22. 

Juan de Estrada y Austria (?), ad. interim, 1721. 

Juan Domingo de Bustamante, 1722-31. 

Gervasio Cruzat y Gongora, 1731-6. 

Enrique de Olavide y Micheleila, ad interim, 1736-9. 

Gaspar Domingo de Mendoza, 1739-43. 

Joaquin Codallos y Rabal, 1743-9. 

Francisco de la Rocha (appointed), 1747 (never acted). 

Tomas Velez Cachupin, 1749-54. 

Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle, 1754-60. 

Mateo Antonio de Mendoza, acting, 1760. 

Manuel Portillo Urrisola, acting, 1761-2. 

Tomas Velez Cachupin, 1762-7. 

Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta, 1767-78. 

[Hereafter the title of Captain General is omitted.] 

Francisco Trebol Navarro, acting, 1778. 

Juan Bautista de Anza, 1778-89. 

Manuel Flon (appointed), 1785 (never acted). 

Fernando de la Concha, 1789-94. 

Fernando Chacon, 1794-1805. 

Joaquin del Real Alencaster, 1805-8. 

Alberto Mainez, acting, 1807-8. 

Jose Manrique, 1808-14. 

Alberto Mainez, 1814-16. 

Pedro Maria de Allande, 1816-18. 

Facundo Melgares, 1818-22. 

Mexican Governors 
(With the title of Jefe Politico until 1837) 
Antonio Viscarra, 1822. 
Francisco Javier Chaves, 1823. 



SPANISH AND MEXICAN GOVERNORS 177 

Bartolome Baca, 1823 to September, 1825. 
Antonio Narbona, 1825 to ]\Iay, 1827. 
Manuel Armijo, 1827-8. 
Antonio Yiscarra, acting, 1828. 
Jose Antonio Chaves, 1828-31. 
Santiago Abreu, 1831-3. 
Francisco Sarracino, 1833-5. 
Juan Rafael Ortiz, acting, 1834. 
Mariano Chaves, acting, 1835, ^lay to July. 
Albino Perez, 1835-7 (assassinated). (Title of Governor from 
1837.) 

Pedro Mmioz, acting, 1837-8. 

Jose Gonzales, revolutionary governor, 1837-8. 

Manuel Annijo, 1838-40, and till 1846. 

Antonio Sandoval, acting, 1841. 

Mariano Martinez de Le.janza, 1844-5. 

Jose Chaves, acting, 1845. 

Juan Bautista Vigil y Alarid, acting, 184G 



CHAPTER XIX 

The American Occupation 

The commencement of a war between Mexico and the United 
States naturally caused great concern and excitement in New 
Mexico, not only because a part of the soil was directly in contro- 
versy as being within the boundaries claimed by Texas, but also 
because the news of the commencement of hostilities at Palo Alto 
and Resaca de la Palma, in May, 1846, was almost immediately 
followed by information that an expedition was being fitted out 
in Missouri for an attack on Santa Fe. 

This was the American "Army of the West," which was or- 
dered to rendezvous at Fort Leavenworth, under General Stephen 
W. Kearny, for the conquest of New Mexico and California. This 
army was composed of the First Dragoons, U. S. A., of which 
Kearny was colonel ; a Missouri regiment under Colonel Doni- 
phan; a battery of light artillery, commanded by Major Clark; 
two companies of infantry, and the La Clede rangers of St. Louis ; 
the whole together comprising ],658 men and sixteen pieces of 
ordnance. 

Although intended to meet at Fort Leavenworth, the different 
parts of the little army did not really come together until they 
had crossed the plains and arrived at Bent's Fort, near the pres- 
ent village of Las Animas, and then the great rendezvous for 
Western traders, at which point they found no less than 414 
loaded wagons, awaiting protection. From here a small detach- 
ment was sent to the Taos valley to ascertain the disposition of 
the people, the main body going on by way of the Raton Pass. 
The Taos party rejoined the army near the Pofiil, with fourteen 
prisoners, and bringing the news that five thousand of the Pueblos 



THE AMERICAN OCCUPATION 179 

and other Indians had joined the Mexicans, who were determined 
to contest the entire route from San Miguel to Santa Fe. 

The first habitations seen were on the banks of the Mora, on the 
ranch of James Bonney, who had recently settled there and who 
treated the officers with much hospitality. On August 15 the 
army entered Las Vegas, then a comparatively new and small 
town, and here stopped long enough for the general to make a 
proclamation of pacific intentions towards the people, and to ad- 
minister the oath of allegiance of the United States to the alcalde, 
Juan de Dios Maes, who was then confirmed in his office. Tecolote 
was the next town reached, and here similar proceedings were 
had, as well as at San Miguel, then the county seat and principal 
town of the portion of New Mexico east of the mountains, on the 
next day. 

Meanwhile General Armijo,>the Mexican governor, after issuing 
a stirring proclamation calling on the people to rise and defend 
their homes, had marched from Santa Fe to the narrow pass at 
Caiioncito, where he had encamped in an almost impregnable lo- 
cation, to prevent the passage of the American army. So strong 
was the position, that Kearny did not think of attacking it di- 
rectly, but had arranged to take a circuitous route which would 
carry him around it mthout great danger^ and encamped near 
the ruins of Pecos Avith that intent on the night of August 17. 
But, during the night, the Mexican army, largely made up of in- 
experienced volunteers, poorly armed, had heard such exagger- 
ated accounts of the force of the Americans, that it became de- 
moralized ; many left for their homes, and Armijo, after a council 
of war with his chief officers, concluded to retire with those who 
remained faithful to him, toward the south. 

So the Americans, instead of a mountain trail, found the main 
road open, and proceeded toward the capital unembarrassed ex- 
cept by the breastwork of trees that had been thrown across the 
canon. "Wishing, if possible, to reach there in one day, especially 
as their provisions were almost exhausted, they made a forced 
march, and arrived at Santa Fe before night-fall, raising the 
stars and stripes over the palace, and then retiring to the high 



180 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

ground in the southeast part of the town, for a camp. This was 
on August 18. General Kearny and several officers came a little 
in advance and were received at the palace by the secretary and 
acting governor, Juan Bautista Vigil, wlio formally delivered to 
them the government of the city. 

Few marches in American history exceed in daring that of the 
little "Army of the West" across the plains. Consisting of less 
than two regiments of men, it marched nine hundred miles from 
its base of supplies, largely through a desert region, not seeing a 
habitation except Bent's Fort between Leavenworth and the ]\Iora 
river ; suffering greatly from lack of water, and with neither pro- 
visions nor monej^ sufficient to procure them for so long a march. 
During the last part of the journey they were reduced to one- 
third rations, and even with this small allowance only enough 
remained for the least number of days possible to reach Santa 
Fe, by rapid and uninterrupted marching, so that they arrived 
at the capital entirely destitute. Even here their privations were 
not at an end, for the commissary was without money, and the 
people having been declared citizens of the United States, and 
therefore fully protected, no property could be taken without 
cash payment. 

The first business of General Kearny, after taking possession 
of Santa Fe, was to commence the building of Fort Marcy. on 
the heights overlooking the city, in order to secure the fruits of 
his bloodless victory ; and then to establish a provisional govern- 
ment. On the morning of the 19th, he assembled the people in 
the Plaza, and addressed them in re-assuring language, saying 
that the army came with peaceable intentions and kind feeling's, 
that they would be secure in their persons, property and religion ; 
announcing that he had taken possession of all New Mexico for 
the United States, and that "you are no longer Mexican subjects, 
you have become American citizens. I am your governor ; hence- 
forth look to me for protection. ' ' This address was received with 
general satisfaction, was replied to in fitting terms by Juan Bau- 
tista Vigil, who accepted the new sovereignty in the name of 
the people; and the governor then confirmed in their positions 




GROUND PLAN OF OLD FORT MARCY, SANTA FE 



182 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

most of the former officers, administering to each of them the oath 
of allegiance to the United States. 

Fearing that there might be a concentration of Mexican troops 
to the south, General Kearny marched with 725 mounted men 
down the Rio Grande valley as far as Tome ; being everywhere 
well received by the people and finding no enemies of any kind. 
On the 22d of September, he established a regular civil govern- 
ment by the appointment of Charles Bent, of l^aos, as governor, 
Donaciano Vigil as secretary, and Francis P. Blair as district 
attorney, together with judges and other officials. Governor Bent 
was an old resident, married to a New Mexican, and highly es- 
teemed throughout the entire territory. Having thus provided 
for the government of the territory, General Kearny set out with 
his little army on September 26 for California, as a wider field for 
his energy and administrative ability, leaving Colonel Doniphan 
in command. 

This latter officer had orders to march immediately to Chi- 
huahua, where it was supposed that General Wool had arrived 
with a column from San Antonio ; bat just as he was starting 
news arrived of an attack by Navaj()s on Polvadera, which in- 
duced a change of programme, and an expedition against those 
Indians was determined on ; so that the troops, which had come 
across the plains in hostility to the Mexicans, found their first 
active duty in their defense against their old enemies. 

This was a matter difficult to explain to the Indian mind, which 
considered that the Americans and themselves were both at war 
with the same enemies, but Colonel Doniphan finally succeeded 
in having a treaty made by which they agreed to cease from all 
depredations. This accomplished he set out on his celebrated 
march to Chihuahua, on December 14, leaving the remaining 
troops in command of Colonel Sterling Price. 

Scarcely a day had passed after his departure before rumor 
became rife of an impending revolt by people of the territory. 
In judging of this we are to remember that these people were 
Mexicans, that their mother country was at war with the United 
States, and that the American troops had invaded and practically 



THE AMEEICAN OCCUPATION 183 

conquered New Mexico, wliich was occupied by a portion of the 
army; so that from their point of view, it was an act of patriot- 
ism to attempt to drive from their soil these invaders of their 
country and restore it to its old position. 

The leaders in the contemplated revolt were Diego Archuleta, 
who had been a member of the Mexican congress, and Tomas Or- 
tiz, who had been high in command under Armijo, both men of 
large influence, and they were supported by many of the lead- 
ing Mexicans of the north of the territory and especially by two 
prominent priests. Padre Ortiz, the vicario, and Padre Gallegos. 
The first general meeting was held on the 12th of December, when 
it was decided that the rising should take place one week from 
that day, when all Americans, and all Mexicans who had con- 
sented to hold office under the American governor, should be 
killed or driven out of the territory. 

Everything was carefully arranged, and the attempt might 
have been successful, but that, by the advice of some timid spirits, 
the time of action was postponed until Christmas eve. This de- 
lay was fatal to the project, for meanwhile information of the 
conspiracy was conveyed to the governor, who promptly arrested 
those suspected, and took such measures as rendered the attempt 
abortive. 

Although thus quelled for a time, however, the spirit of revolt 
was far from destroyed, and suddenly developed itself in a most 
unexpected manner. Supposing all danger to be passed, Gover- 
nor Bent left Santa Fe on January 14, on a visit to liis home in 
Taos, being accompanied by the sheriff and prefect of Taos county, 
the district attorney, and some others. On the night of the 19th, 
a large body of men, partly Mexicans and partly Pueblo Indians, 
attacked his residence and succeeded in killing not only the gov- 
ernor, but Sheriff Lee, Prefect Vigil, District Attorney Leal, Nar- 
ciso Beaubien, a son of Judge Beaubien, and Pablo Jaramillo, a 
brother-in-law of the governor. At the same time attacks were 
made on the Americans at the Arroyo Hondo and Rio Colorado 
above Taos, and at Mora, a number being killed at each place. 
The intention evidently was to have a general rising all over the 



184 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

territory, as messengers came from jMora to Las Vegas bringing 
the news of the revolt and urging the people there to rise; but 
no action was taken there, owing to the loyalty of the alcalde 
and the timely arrival of a few troops. 

The startling news of the assassination was swiftly carried to 
Santa Fe and reached Colonel Price the next day, quickly fol- 
lowed by tidings of the approach of a large Mexican and Indian 
force, down the valley of the Rio Grande, to attack the capital. 
The situation was extremely critical. Yery few troops were in 
Santa Fe; in fact the number remaining in the whole territory 
was very small, and they were scattered at Alburquerque, Las 
Vegas, and other distant points. Delay meant destruction, and 
Colonel Price lost no time in taking such measures as were pos- 
sible with his limited resources. Orders were sent to Albu- 
querque for the two companies stationed there to come northward, 
and Price himself determined to march immediately to meet the 
ipsurgent army. 

All the force that he could muster was three hundred and ten 
men, including Captain Angney's company and a few other regu- 
lar troops, and a volunteer company composed of nearly all the 
Americans in the city, under command of Colonel Ceran St. 
Vrain, who happened to be in Santa Fe at the time. In this 
latter company were also Manuel Chaves, Nicolas Pino, and some 
other prominent New Mexicans, who volunteered their services. 
They set out on January 23, nerved by the belief that there was 
no alternative but victory or annihilation. Scarcely had the little 
army passed Pojuaque, when, in the narrow defile on the road, 
they met the advance guard of the INIexicans, and soon after 
found the main body drawn up on the high bank of the Santa 
Cruz river just east of the town of that name. They were com- 
manded by General Montoya, aided by Generals Tafoya and 
Chavez. Here a fierce battle took place. The Mexican army was 
large, but undisciplined and poorly provided with arms. They 
had, however, a great advantage in their position and in the occu- 
pancy of a number of adobe houses, which were practically 
fortresses. Nevertheless, by a vigorous charge in front and a 



THE AMERICAN OCCUPATION 185 

Hank attack by St. Vrain's volunteers, they were finally dislodged 
and forced to retreat, leaving thirty-six dead on the field, General 
Tafoya being among the number. 

At Los Luceros the Americans were re-enforced by the timely 
arrival of Captain Burgwin 's company of cavalry, , which had 
hastened up from Albuquerque, and much encouraged thereby 
they rapidly marched toward Taos. At Embudo the Mexicans 
made another stand, in a narrow cafion, but were forced to 
abandon it, and retreated towards the north, finally concentrat- 
ing at the pueblo of Taos, in the church of which, with walls from 
three to six feet thick, they fortified themselves, large numbers 
having deserted since the battle at Santa Cruz (often called the 
battle of La Canada) and returned to their homes. 

Against this building the Americans, as soon as they arrived, 
directed their attack ; but cannon-balls made little impression on 
the massive walls, in which they simply imbedded themselves, 
without doing any damage; so after two hours' bombardment 
they withdrew, towards evening, to the Mexican town of Fernan- 
dez de Taos, three miles distant. Early the next morning the 
attack was renewed, but was bravely met, and it was not until 
after a seven hours' struggle, in which the cannon were finally 
brought up within sixty yards of the church, and one or two un- 
successful attempts were made to carry it by storm, that the 
stronghold was taken; and then with a loss of a number of sol- 
diers and of the gallant Captain Burgwin, who was mortally 
wounded at the very wall. One hundred and fifty of the in- 
surgents were killed, and the next day the entire pueblo surren- 
dered. 

This practically ended the revolt. General Montoya and four- 
teen others were tried for the murder of Governor Bent and the 
others killed on January 19, and were convicted and executed. 
Others were sentenced to be hung for treason ; but the President 
properly pardoned them on the ground that no Mexican could be 
guilty of treason against the United States while war actually 
existed between the two countries. A few outbreaks occurred at 
isolated points soon afterward, but they seem to have been insti- 



186 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

gated rather for purposes of plunder than by any regular attempt 
to destroy the American authority, and later in the year the ar- 
rival in Santa Fe of large re-enforcements made any future revolt 
futile. At the same time the people began to see that they had 
really more freedom and better protection from the Indians, 
under the American flag, than that of Mexico ; and finding that 
the stories circulated about the new comers generally proved to be 
untrue, they gradually became reconciled to the change in gov- 
ernment. 

The treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ceded all New Mexico to the 
United States, at the same time constituting all of its people, 
except those who preferred formally to retain their Mexican 
citizenship, citizens of the United States, with the full rights and 
privileges belonging to that character; and thus the territory and 
its people became an integral part of the Great American Re- 
public. 



CHAPTER XX 

U. S. Provisional Government, 1846-51 

As soon as peace was established the people of the territory 
began to desire a settled civil government, and this feeling was 
strengthened by a letter from Hon. Thomas H. Benton, then 
senator from Missouri, addressed to the people of California and 
New Mexico, advising them, in the absence of action by Congress, 
to organize governments for themselves. Captain W, Z. Angney, 
who had borne a conspicuous part in the American occupation, 
endeavored to have the people act on this, and a number of meet- 
ings were held, until the excitement ran so high that Colonel 
Washington, the civil and military governor, thought it neces- 
sary to issue a proclamation on the subject. 

Meanwhile, under the provisions of the Kearny Code, the first 
legislature of New Mexico had been elected, and had held its 
regular session, beginning on December 6, 1847. The Council 
consisted of seven membere elected by districts, with Antonio 
Sandoval, of Bernalillo county, as president; and the House of 
twenty-one members with W. Z. Angney as speaker. 

This legislature could do little but local business, as the treaty 
of peace with Mexico was not yet signed, but it has been rendered 
famous by the bold and excellent character of the message de- 
livered to the joint session by Gov. Donaciano Vigil, especially 
relative to public education. 

This legislature passed an act providing for a convention to 
consider a permanent form of government for New Mexico, and 
the delegates for this purpose were elected in 1848 and met on 
October 10 of that year. This convention continued in session 
four days, with Father Antonio Jose Martinez as president, and 
J. M. Giddings, secretary. It adopted a memorial to Congress 



188 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

asking for a regular territorial government, and declared against 
the introduction of domestic slavery. 

Early in 1849 a number of citizens requested Hugh N. Smith 
to go to Washington, as an un-official representative of the terri- 
tory, in order to obtain immediate legislation, his expenses being 
paid by private subscription. This, however, created some jeal- 
ousy, and the military governor called an election of delegates 
to a convention to frame a territorial form of government. This 
convention met on September 24, 1849, and organized by electing 
Antonio Jose (Padre) ]\Iartinez as president, and James H. 
Quinn, secretary. By a vote of 15 to 4 Mr. Smith was elected 
as delegate to congress, but failed to have the election recog- 
nized or to obtain a seat. 

Meanwhile, Texas, which claimed all the territory east of the 
Rio Grande, sent Spruce M. Baird, as judge, to organize that 
district into a county to be called Santa Fe. But lie was received 
with such opposition that he did not attempt to carry his instruc- 
tions into effect. Soon afterward, early in the spring of 1850, 
they sent a second commissioner, Robert S. Neighbors, to organ- 
ize counties of the state of Texas and to hold elections in them 
of local officers. This created some excitement, but produced no 
practical result. Almost at the same time, however, it became an 
' ' open secret ' ' that the President and his cabinet at "Washington 
desired the people of California and New Mexico to organize state 
governments without delay, in order by their own action to settle 
the question of slavery within their borders, and thus allay the 
great national excitement on the subject and relieve the adminis- 
tration of responsibility. 

A convention was consequently called, which met on May 15, 
and adopted a state constitution, which, among other things, pro- 
hibited slavery. This was submitted to the people on the 20th 
of June, and adopted with substantial unanimity. At the same 
time state officers and a legislature Avere elected, Henry Connelly 
being chosen governor, and Manuel Alvarez, lieutenant-governor. 
The legislature met on July 1, 1850, and elected as United States 
senators Francis A. Cunningham and Richard H. Weightman. 
Had this taken place a few months before, perhaps it might have 



U. S. PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 189 
Ballot at First State Election, 1850 





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x/T-^^-^z^^^^^t^^;^ 










190 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

been ratified by Congress, and New Mexico have taken her place 
in the sisterhood of states ; but, while Mr. Weightman was on his 
way to Washington to claim his seat in the senate the famous com- 
promise measures of 1850' were passed, one feature of which was 
the act organizing New Mexico as a territory. This was passed 
September 9. It created the state of California, and it erected 
New Mexico into a territory, with boundaries including the areas 
now embraced in New JMexico, Arizona, and southern Colorado, 
and with a form of government similar to the other territories. 
The act also provided for setting at rest all claims of Texas on 
any part of the United States. 

During the preceding period the territory had been presided 
over by governors, who were appointed by the military authori- 
ties, or who were themselves officers of the army; Charles Bent 
having been appointed by General Kearny, and Donaciano 
Vigil, who was appointed secretary by Kearny, succeeding Gov- 
ernor Bent on the assassination of the latter. In 184-8, the chief 
authority was devolved upon the commandant of the military 
department, Colonel J. M. Washington, being the first of such 
military governors. During the next year he was succeeded by 
Colonel John Munroe. 

But, under the Organic Act of September 9, 1850, the territory 
had regular civil officers appointed by the president. The first of 
these were James S. Calhoun, governor; Hugh N. Smith, secre- 
tary ; Elias P. West, United States attorney ; and John G. Jones, 
marshal. The judiciary was composed of Grafton Baker, chief 
justice ; and John S. Watts and Horace Mower, associate jus- 
tices. Under these officers, a regular civil government was inau- 
gurated on the third of March, 1851, and a legislative assembly 
was elected, which met in June, Padre Martinez, of Taos, being 
elected president of the Council, and Theodore Wheaton, a promi- 
nent lawyer, speaker of the House. 

From that time, the form of government was continued ^vithout 
any material change; the principal additional officer l)eing the 
surveyor-general, appointed under an act of 1855, which dele- 
gated to him large powers in determining questions relating to 
Spanish and Mexican land grants. 



CHAPTER XXI 

The Territorial Period, 1851-1912 

This period of sixty years will be considered briefly under the 
administrations of the successive governors ; but for convenience 
of treatment and clearness of understanding, the Texan Invasion 
of 1862, and the Struggle for Statehood will constitute separate 
chapters. Matters connected with churches, schools, and news- 
papers are also arranged in groups in a distinct chapter, in order 
to present a connected view of each subject. 



James S. Calhoun (1851) 

was the first governor of New Mexico appointed by the President 
under the regular territorial government. He was inaugurated 
on March 3, 1851, and at the same time William S. Allen became 
secretary, Grafton Baker, Jolin S. "Watts, and Horace Mower, 
justices of the supreme court, and Elias P. West, United States 
attorney. 

Governor Calhoun was already a resident of Santa Fe, as he 
had been Indian Agent for New Mexico since July, 1849, and had 
shown himself a most intelligent and diligent official. Soon after 
his inauguration he called an election for the first territorial legis- 
lature, and that body convened in the governor's palace on June 
2. It held a second session on December 1 of the same year. An- 
tonio Jose Martinez, of Taos, (Padre Martinez), was president of 
the Council at the first session, and Juan Felipe Ortiz (Vicar 



192 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

General Ortiz), at the second. Theodore D. Wheaton, a hiwyer 
of Taos, was speaker of the House. 

Governor Calhoun's position was anything but a bed of roses. 
The situation was new, and the limits of the authority of the civil 
and the military officials not yet closely determined. Troubles 
with the Indians, Navajos and Apaches, were of constant occur- 
rence. The governor was also Indian Agent and endeavored to 
keep the peace and prevent depredations. Col. E. V. Sumner, 
in military command of the department, had different views of 
the method of procedure. The governor graphically explains his 
position in an official report, in which he says he is "without a 
dollar in our territorial treasury'', without munitions of war, with- 
out authority to call out our militia, -without the cooperation of 
the military authorities." Finally he started on a journey to 
Washington in May, 1852, and died on the route. Meanwhile 
Colonel Sumner built Ft. Defiance, Ft. Union, and other army 
posts. 

The secretary left the territory even before the governor. Wlien 
the latter departed he endeavored to appoint Manuel Alvarez as 
acting governor during his absence, but this was manifestly ille- 
gal, and John Greiner, firstly as superintendent of Indian affairs 
and afterwards as secretary, was in executive charge until the 
arrival of the new governor appointed by President Fillmore. 



William Carr Lane (1852) 

Governor Lane had been an army surgeon and afterwards 
mayor of St. Louis. He arrived in 1852, endeavored to pacify the 
Indians by supplying them with rations, issued a proclamation 
claiming the Mesilla valley as part of New IMexico, and became a 
candidate for Congress before election I)ut failed of success, a 



THE TEREITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 193 

small majority being given to Jose IManuel Gallegos (Padre Gal- 
legos of Albuquerque). Soon after this disappointment he left 
for the east, leaving W. S. INIesservy, who had been appointed 
secretary, in charge of the territory, and never returned. 



David Meriwether (1853) 

The next governor was David Meriwether, appointed by Presi- 
dent Pierce at the beginning of his administration in 1853. He 
was a Kentuckian by residence but had had a very varied and 
romantic experience in the far west, and in 1819 had been cap- 
tured by the Spaniards and confined as a prisoner for some time 
in the palace. He made an intelligent, practical governor, but 
during his administration of four years there was incessant war 
with the surrounding Indian tribes. Incursions and depredations 
by the Navajos on the west, the Utes and Jicarilla Apaches on 
the north, the Mescaleros on the east, and the Gila and Mogollon 
Apaches on the south, were of frequent occurrence, and the mili- 
tary was kept busy nearly all of the time in expeditions against 
the various tribes, including a number of battles in which the In- 
dians were generally defeated and dispersed for the time. 

During this administration the Gadsden Purchase was made 
from Mexico, by which a strip of territory from the Rio Grande 
to the Colorado river was added to the domain of the United 
States. 

A notable event of this period was the killing of F. X, Aubrey 
by Maj. R. H. Weigh tman, in the store of the Mercures on the 
south side of the Plaza in Santa Fe. This occurred on August 
18, 1854, just after Aubrey had returned from California, in 
twenty-nine days from San Jose to Peralta, demonstrating the 
feasibility of a railroad route to the Pacific. He had previously 



194 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

achieved celebrity by bis record-breaking ride on the Santa Fe 
Trail, referred to in the chapter on that subject. 

In 1854 Congress made an appropriation of $50,000 for the 
construction of the capitol, this being in addition to the $20,000 
appropriated in 1850, with which the foundation was laid. The 
structure was now carried up one and a half stories and thus re- 
mained, roofless, until it was utilized for the exposition of 3883 
and subsequently completed. In 1860, $60,000 was appropriated 
for its completion, but the delegate in Congress relinquished this 
in consideration of the exemption of New Mexico from the war 
tax of 1862. 

W. W. H. Davis, who had previously been United States at- 
torney, was secretary during much of Governor Meriwether's 
term, and had a number of important documents in the "Ar- 
chives" translated, and wrote several books on New Mexican 
history. He was acting governor for nearly a 3^ear before the 
arrival of the next governor, who was 



Abraham Rencher (1857) 

appointed by President Buchanan at the beginning of his presi- 
dential term, and who served for four years. He was a lawyer 
who had been a member of Congress and also in the diplomatic 
service. 

During this administration the Indian difficulties continued, 
especially with the Navajos. In 1859 and 1860 nearly 300 citi?^ens 
were killed by the Indians, and on February 7, 1860, they made a 
bold attempt to capture Ft. Defiance itself. This was followed 
by an active campaign by Colonel Canby, which ended in victory 
and a temporary cessation of hostilities. 

The United States land office was established at this time under 



THE TEERITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 195 

a congressional act of May 24, 1857, and the Santa Fe office was 
opened on November 25, 1858. The surveyor general's office had 
been established in 1854, and William Pelham continued as its 
head until 1860. Besides the usual business of this office the 
surveyor general of New Mexico had placed in his charge the 
investigation of titles of Spanish and Mexican land grants. 

On the last Monday in December, 1859, the Historical Society 
of New Mexico was organized, with Col. John R. Grayson as 
president. Chief Justice Kirby Benedict delivering the opening 
address. 



Henry Connelly (1861) 

Governor Connelly was a man of large experience in the south- 
west, and the first citizen of New Mexico to be appointed gover- 
nor under the organic act, and the only one during forty-four 
years. He was originally a physician in Kentucky, but went to 
Chihuahua in 1828, and was activel}^ engaged in commercial pur- 
suits for many years. At the close of the Mexican war he settled 
in Santa Fe, and lived there and at Peralta during the remainder 
of his life. He was thus well equipped b}^ knowledge and ex- 
perience for the duties of the governorship. He was appointed 
governor by President Lincoln early in 1861, and was re-appoint- 
ed in 1865, continuing in office until his death in July, 1866. 

At the time of the attempted state government in 1850, Dr. 
Connelly was elected governor at the election held in June, over 
Tomas C. de Baca. He was absent in the east at the time and 
the contest in favor of the legality of the state government was 
vigorously conducted by Lieutenant-Governor Manuel Alvarez, 
as acting-governor. 

At the time of the appointment of Governor Connelly, Miguel 



196 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

A. Otero was appointed secretary, through the mfluence of 
Judge Watts, notwithstanding that Otero had sympathized with 
the southern leaders before the actual breaking out of the war. 
His actual loyalty justified his selection, but he only served for 
a short time, and after another brief term of James H. Holmes, 
"W. F. M. Arny, of Kansas, was appointed, and became a promi- 
nent figure in New Mexican affairs until his death. 

The most important events of Governor Connelly's administra- 
tion were those connected with the War of the Rebellion, nar- 
rated in another chapter. Throughout the whole trouble he was 
an ardent Union man and his large acquaintance gave him much 
influence in preventing defections from the Union cause. 

On February 24, 1863, Congress passed the act establishing 
the territory of Arizona out of the western portion of New Mex- 
ico, and on December 31 of that year the newly appointed officials 
of Arizona organized its territorial government at Navajo 
Springs, just within its boundaries, and afterwards established 
the capital at Prescott. Col. J. Francisco Chaves was designated 
as the escort of the officers of the new territory. 



Robert B. Mitchell (1866) 

Governor Mitchell was appointed by President Johnson shortly 
after the death of Governor Connelly. He was a man of varied 
experience, a lawyer in Ohio, a lieutenant in the Mexican War, 
an active participant in the free state movement in Kansas, an 
official in that territory, a colonel and finally a brigadier general 
in the Union army. He became governor of New Mexico in 1866, 
and served until 1869. His administration was a troublous one 
through its entire period. He seemed to follow in many ways 
the example of the president who appointed him. He was out of 



THE TEERITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 197 

harmony with the legislature, and exercised the veto power, which 
was then absolute, unsparingly. The legislature appealed to Con- 
gress and the organic act was amended by providing that a veto 
could be overridden by a two-thirds vote. He invoked criticism 
by long absences from the territory, and the legislature went so 
far finally as to ask for his removal. 

The joint resolutions of the two houses of the legislature fill 
nearly five pages, and denounce the governor for almost every 
offense, and especially for illegally removing officials and en- 
deavoring to appoint others to fill their places. About the same 
time they passed complimentary resolutions, commending Secre- 
taries Henry H. Heath and "W. F. M. Arny. 

On December 15, 1867, occurred the tragic death of Chief Jus- 
tice Slough (the Colonel Slough of the Colorado Volunteers) at 
the hands of Col. W. L. Rynerson in the office of the Exchange 
hotel, then called the "Fonda," in Santa Fe. 



William A. Pile (1869) 

On the accession of General Grant to the presidency he ap- 
pointed, as governor, William A. Pile, of Missouri, afterwards 
minister to Venezuela. 

It is one of the curiosities of history that this gentleman, who 
is uniformly well spoken of by those best acquainted with his 
character, should be known in New Mexico principally from his 
supposed connection with the sale of a portion of the Spanish 
arcliives for use as wrapping paper. Probably that connection 
was very slight ; but it is certain that quantities of old documents 
were sold or given away to merchants for that purpose, and that 
an indignation meeting was held in Santa Fe to protest against 
such vandalism. Part of the papers were restored to the terri- 



198 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

torial library by the merchants, and others are occasionally found 
in private houses to this day. Ira M. Bond was territorial li- 
brarian at the time, and insists that the affair was greatly ex- 
aggerated and that no papers of real value were destroyed. 

During his administration the soldiers ' monument in Santa Fe 
was completed, and Lincoln and Colfax counties were created, 
telegraphic communication with the east was opened on July 8, 
1869, and the First National Bank of Santa Fe, the oldest in the 
entire southwest, was chartered and organized. 



Marsh Giddings (1871) 

Under appointment by President Grant, Alarsh Giddings suc- 
ceeded Governor Pile in the executive office in 1871, and contin- 
ued as governor until his death on June 3, 1875. 

Perhaps the most important event in his administration was 
the earnest effort made to secure statehood and the holding of a 
constitutional convention for that purpose, as elsewhere narrated. 

In 1871, John Martin, a soldier of both wars, discovered water 
in the center of the Jornada del Muerto, at Martin's Well or Ale- 
man, which was of such importance to the public that the legis- 
lature specially recognized the benefit thereby conferred. 

In August, 1872, the Second National Bank of Santa Fe was 
established. 

In 1873, the United States military road from Santa Fe to 
Taos was completed. This has ever since been the usual line of 
travel, being the road up the Rio Grande through Santa Cruz, 
Los Luceros, La Joy a, and Rinconada, and it took the place of 
the old route much farther east. The principal expense of the 
road was in the cafions of the Rio Grande below and above Em- 
budo. In 1861 Congress appropriated $15,000 for this road, and 
subsequently $25,000 for its completion. 



THE TEERITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 199 

In 1874 a new land office was established at Mesilla with a 
district embracing half of the territory. 

On the death of Governor Giddings, Secretary William G. 
Ritch acted as governor for about two months, until the inaugu- 
ration of Governor Axtell. Secretary Ritch was appointed to 
that position by General Grant in 1873, and held the office for 
twelve consecutive years. He had served in the war as lieutenant 
and adjutant, and in Wisconsin as state senator. He was a very 
progressive man, especially devoted to public education. To the 
establishment of an effective public school system he gave his 
best efforts for years against persistent and organized opposition, 
with admirable courage and excellent effect. 



Samuel B. Axtell (1875) 

Governor Axtell was appointed by President Grant and inau- 
gurated as governor on July 30, 1875. He had been a member 
of Congress from California for two terms, and was governor of 
Utah at the time of his appointment to New Mexico. He was a 
man of strong convictions, tenacious of his opinions, entirely 
fearless, and of the positive character which makes warm friends 
and bitter enemies. He was vigorously supported by the majority 
of the dominant political leaders and as vigorously denounced by 
their opponents. 

During his official term the Lincoln county war between rival 
cattlemen and their adherents was a prominent feature. The con- 
tending factions were named after IMurphy and McSwain, who 
were the leading cattle owners of that section. In this ''war" a 
number of men were killed and the whole southeast of the terri- 
tory was involved. A somewhat similar condition existed in Col- 
fax county where the cowboy element was strong. Great excite- 
ment was occasioned in 1875 by the murder of Rev. P. J. Tolby, a 



200 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Methodist minister, on the road from Cimarron to BlizabethtOAvn ; 
and an attempt was made to connect Governor Axtell with that 
outrage. Party feeling ran very high between what was called 
the ' ' Santa Fe Ring ' ' and it local adherents, and their opponents 
headed by Frank Springer, a prominent lawyer. Numerous 
charges against the governor were forwarded to Washington and 
special agents were sent from there to investigate. In the calmer 
judgment of history each side misjudged the other, but the result 
was a determination by the national administration to change the 
principal New Mexico officials, especially the governor and 
United States attorney. Accordingly in the fall of 1878 Gover- 
nor Axtell was superseded by Gen. Lew Wallace, and Col. Sidney 
M. Barnes, of Kentucky, was appointed United States attorney 
in place of Thomas B. Catron, who had resigned. 

Subsequently, in 1882, Governor Axtell was appointed chief 
justice, and performed the duties of that office to the general sat- 
isfaction of the people. 

The vigorous attempt to secure statehood, made in Congress 
by Hon. S. B. Elkins, having failed in 1875 as elsewhere narrated. 
New Mexico suffered a considerable loss of territory by the change 
of the northern boundary whereby the new state of Colorado ac- 
quired everything north of the 37th parallel of latitude. This 
change in area took place July 4, 1876, when Colorado was finally 
admitted. 



Lewis Wallace (1878) 

Governor Wallace was appointed by President Hayes with 
instructions to restore tranquillity in the territory as soon as 
possible and to reform any abuses he might find prevailing. He 
was inaugurated October 1, 1878. He was a man of ability and 




::::sjsm 



202 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

reputation, having served in the Mexican vv^ar as lieutenant, and 
as major-general and corps commander in the War of the Rebel- 
lion, He was not in harmony with the local leaders of the re- 
publican party who had generally been friends of Governor 
Axtell, and some friction was experienced during the legislature 
of 1880 which was the only session held while he was governor. 
He superseded the treasurer who had been in office many years 
and nominated for attorney general Eugene A. Fiske, who was re- 
jected by the legislative council. After the adjournment of the 
legislature he attempted to appoint Mr. Fiske, which was clearly 
illegal under the organic act, and was so held by the court. 

The first special business undertaken by Governor Wallace was 
the pacification of the Lincoln county troubles. With this object, 
at great personal risk, he visited Lincoln itself and had several 
interviews with Billy the Kid and other active participants. The 
war was not concluded, however, until the killing at Ft. Sumner, 
on the 14th of July, 1881, of the "Kid," whose real name was 
William H. Bonney, by Pat Garrett, sheriff of Lincoln county. 

During his administration, the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe 
railroad entered the territory, affording direct connection with 
the east. This line reached Otero station, near the present town 
of Raton, in February, 1879 ; Las Vegas on July 1 ; Santa Fe on 
February 9, 1880; and Albuquerque on April 22, 1880. On its 
completion to the capital a brilliant celebration was held, the 
last four spikes being driven by the governor, chief justice, com- 
manding general, and chairman of the coanty commission. An 
address of congratulation was delivered by Chief Justice L. B. 
Prince. The Denver and Rio Grande railroad was built south 
from Antonito as far as Espaiiola. The advance of the railroads 
stimulated all kinds of enterprises ; street railways, modern hotels, 
gas works, and large commercial houses were constructed ; mining 
enterprises covered the territory; there was increased develop- 
ment in Grant county and the location of hundreds of claims at 
Cerrillos, White Oaks, Socorro, and other promising camps. 
General incorporation acts for municipalities, religious and char- 
itable societies, and foreign corporations were enacted. On Feb- 



THE TERRITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 203 

mary 15, the legislature passed an act establishing a Bureau of 
Immigration, which organized April 15 with L. B. Prince as its 
first president. Many churches and schools were established, as 
will appear elsewhere. 

On December 27, 1880, the Historical Society of New Mexico 
was reorganized and incorporated, the original society organized 
in 1859 having suspended operations during the war. Hon. W. G. 
Ritch was the prime mover in the reorganization and the first 
president. In 1882 L. B. Prince succeeded Governor Ritch as 
president and has continued as such to the present time. For 
tliirty years this society has had its home in the palace at Santa 
Fe under national and territorial authorities, and has accumu- 
lated and preserved a collection of New Mexican antiquities and 
historic material absolutely invaluable, and which but for its 
faithful and continued efforts would have been scattered long ago 
and be incapable of collection at any cost at the present time. 

The event which most closely identifies Governor Wallace with 
New Mexico was the completion of his famous book Ben Hur, by 
the writing of the sixth, seventh, and eighth chapters in his bed 
room back of the executive office in the palace, which has since 
been known as the "Ben Hur Room" and has become a Mecca 
for tourists. 

On the election of General Garfield as president. Governor Wal- 
lace applied for a foreign diplomatic position and was appointed 
minister to Turkey. 



Lionel A. Sheldon (1881) 

Governor Sheldon was appointed by President Garfield soon 
after his inauguration and assumed office May 15, 1S81. He was 
a personal friend of the president, having been lieutenant-colonel 



204 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

of the Oliio regiment of volunteers of which General Garfield 
was colonel. After the war he served three times in Congress 
from Louisiana. 

Governor Sheldon unfortunately began liis gubernatorial ca- 
reer by antagonizing older citizens and officials who v/ould other- 
wise have been friendly, and thereby injured his influence. But 
he succeeded finally in what appeared to be his special desire, 
which was the building of the penitentiary to accommodate the 
increasing number of condemned criminals. In the legislature of 
1884 a bill was also passed for the erection of a capitol in Santa 
Fe, and a commission was appointed for that purpose. 

Governor Sheldon gave much attention to organizing and 
strengthening the militia as a protection not only against a law- 
less element that had entered the territory in connection with the 
construction of the Southern Pacific and other railroads, but also 
against the Indians who were still disposed to be aggressive. 
These measures were successful and beneficial to the people. His 
term of office covered a period of active business and speculation 
in New Mexico. The territory was covered with mining camps, 
each of which believed itself a second Leadville. The rapid con- 
struction of railroads added largely to the general feeling of busi- 
ness enthusiasm. The only drawback was the intensity of politi- 
cal feeling which caused unfortunate divisions among its people. 
On the 13th of July, 1882, the Santa Fe board of trade was or- 
ganized and incorporated, being the first commercial organization 
in the southwest. 

In 1883 there was held in Santa Fe a great historic celebration 
called the "Tertio Millenial," which exceeded both in its scope 
and realization anything of the kind ever attempted in America. 
The regular programme covered thirty-three days, during which 
each important Indian pueblo and tribe in turn was represented 
by forty of its people, who exhibited their ceremonials and dances 
in the genuine costumes required by their religion or custom. The 
celebration began with a three days' historic pageant of gorgeous 
magnificence. This really occupied the greater part of the year 
and while a financial failure, was well worth all that it cost. 



THE TERRITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 205 

Edmund G. Ross (1885) 

The democratic party having regained power by the election of 
Grover Cleveland as president, Edmund G. Ross was appointed 
governor, and assumed office June 15, 1885. It had been so long 
since the advent of a democratic governor (Governor Rencher 
was the last, twenty-five years before), that his friends considered 
the new official as a special deliverer from oppression, and re- 
membering the Pueblo tradition that Montezuma would some time 
appear at break of day to bless his people. Governor Ross took 
the oath of office exactly at sunrise, in the palace, Governor Shel- 
don having been roused from his slumbers for that purpose. Tin- 
fortunately these high hopes were doomed to disappointment, as 
his administration was quite barren of result. 

Governor Ross was a man of strong opinions and courage, of 
the temperament that rather rejoices in opposition and spurns 
the idea of being influenced by numbers or circumstances. In 
early life he left AVisconsin to take part in the free state move- 
ment in Kansas and was an active participant in the Border War 
of those days. In 1861 he naturally entered the Union army, did 
active duty as captain and major, and made an enviable record. 
From 1867 to 1871 he was United States senator, filling the unex- 
pired term of Senator James H. Lane. It was then that he met 
the crisis of his life, in the impeachment trial of President John- 
son. Party feeling was at fever heat and the republicans of 
Kansas were practically unanimous in opposition to Johnson. 
Senator Ross believed that a political conviction would revolu- 
tionize the government and utterly destroy it, and in the face of a 
storm of opposition he had the courage to cast the decisive vote 
which ended the impeachment. His enemies attributed this to 
every bad motive, including corruption, and he left office with 
scarcely a friend. As governor he had the same disregard for 
public opinion, for conciliation and success that he showed in the 
senate. Absolutely honest and well-meaning but proud of his 
firmness, he antagonized his own party as well as the republican 
legislature, and was soon powerless to accomplish anything. 
Party spirit ran high, and as betw^een the governor and the legis- 



206 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

lature each seemed bent on embarrassing the other. The judi- 
ciary however was still independent. When Governor Ross 
attempted to repeat the mistake made by Governor Wallace, by 
removing an official duly confirmed by the council, in violation of 
law, the democratic courts were as prompt in rebuking this as- 
sumption of arbitrary power by a governor of their own party as 
the republican courts in 1880 had been in the case of a republican 
governor. The idea that the executive could interfere with the 
judiciary or legislative branch of the government was not yet 
entertained. 

The laws of 1889, so far as the executive action thereon is con- 
cerned, are a curiosity. Under other governors there may be one 
or two laws during each session passed over a veto, and one or 
two becoming valid "by limitation" without the signature of the 
governor. In 1889 there were in all 145 laws enacted. Of the 
first 45, Governor Ross approved 26, three were passed over his 
veto, and 16 became valid ' ' by limitation. ' ' The relations between 
the governor and the legislature being more and more strained, 
we find that of the last 100 laws he approved only 21, nine being 
passed over vetoes and 70 becoming valid without action by the 
governor. This is a unique record. 

Three important laws were passed by the legislature, one estab- 
lishing a University, an Agricultural College, a School of Mines, 
and an Insane Asylum; Chapter 30, establishing a financial sys- 
tem for the territorj^; and Chapter 99, providing for a constitu- 
tional convention. Chapter 30 was the first attempt to introduce 
any system into the finances of New Mexico and stands as a monu- 
ment to the good sense of Pedro Perea who introduced it. Chap- 
ter 99 was an intelligent attempt to obtain statehood, and is 
further treated of elsewhere. The act establishing four terri- 
torial institutions was good in its object but unfortunate in its 
method. It was a log-rolled measure, passed by uniting enough 
local interests to control a majority of votes, and therefore with- 
out any consideration of general benefit and proper selection of 
locality. An insane asylum should obviously be in a low altitude 
favorable to nervous diseases. A separate school of mines was 



THE TERRITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 207 

entirely unnecessary as the needed instruction should be part of 
the university work. The agricultural college with its experiment 
station should be in the center of the territory and at an average 
altitude, in order to be of use to all ; instead of which it was lo- 
cated in the extreme south and lowest altitude, so that its experi- 
ments are no guide for nine-tenths of New Mexico. Lastly, by 
having the university and agricultural college together, each 
would be benefited and much unnecessary duplication of instruc- 
tion and experiments avoided. 

On January 9, 1886, at a meeting of lawyers, presided over by 
Hon. H. L. Waldo, the Bar Association of New Mexico was or- 
ganized, with 19 members and the following officers: President, 
William A. Vincent ; Vice Presidents, L. B. Prince, W. H. White- 
man, and J. D. Bail; Secretary, F. W. Clancy; Treasurer, Eu- 
gene A. Fiske. Since then it has continually increased in mem- 
bership and influence, and has become a recognized power in 
legislation. Its membership is now over a hundred and fifty. 



L. Bradford Prince (1889) 

The election of President Harrison returned the republicans 
to power and L. Bradford Prince was appointed governor. Being 
the first appointee in many years taken from permanent residents 
of the territory, the choice created much enthusiasm and the in- 
auguration on April 17, on the west side of the capitol, was the 
most brilliant that New Mexico had seen. From long legislative 
experience in New York, an active judicial career in New Mexico, 
and a thorough acquaintance with local conditions. Governor 
Prince was saved from mistakes otherwise almost unavoidable, 
and was enabled to subordinate politics to material interests and 
thus secure important benefits for the people. 



208 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Public education was the most important consideration. The 
University, Agricultural College, and School of Mines were im- 
mediately built and opened, by boards appointed by the governor 
and of which he was an active member ; and during his adminis- 
tration the normal institutions at Silver City and at Las Vegas, 
and the Military Institute at Roswell were established. Even 
more important to the people at large was the inauguration of a 
modern public school system for the whole territory, with a 
superintendent of public instruction at its head. Under this 
system the cause of general education has advanced with remark- 
able rapidity down to the present. For the important position 
of superintendent, the governor selected Amado Chaves, a man of 
education and tact, thoroughly in harmony Avith advanced ideas 
and methods. The native New Mexican people had larger recog- 
nition in important appointments than ever before. 

A convention to formulate a state constitution was elected in 
August and commenced its session September 3, 1889. Unfor- 
tunately, owing to dissatisfaction with the apportionment of 
members, the chairman of the democratic committee, Mr. Childers, 
advised his party friends to take no part in the election and con- 
sequently but one prominent democrat. Judge L. S. Trimble, par- 
ticipated in the convention, and very few advocated the excellent 
constitution which was submitted to the people. The result was 
its rejection by a decisive vote and a long delay in the attain- 
ment of statehood. 

The most pressing matter then pending in New Mexico was 
the settlement of its land grant titles. For years Congress had 
been importuned to take action, but in vain. As increased immi- 
gration and prosperity were impossible under this incubus of 
uncertainty, the governor finally appointed a committee of fifty 
to go to Washington and endeavor to obtain favorable action.. 
Twenty-five actually went, paying their own expenses. They ar- 
rived on April 25, 1890, and remained a month, with the gover- 
nor as chairman. They appeared before congressional commit- 
tees, cabinet officers and the president, and induced the latter to 
send a special message to Congress on the subject on July 1. The 



THE TERRITORIAL PERIOD, 1851 1912 209 

result was the establishment of the Court of Private Land 
Claims by an act approved March 3, 1891. This court consisted 
of seven judges, continued in existence until June 30, 1904, and 
finally settled all grant titles in the southwest and thus gave that 
section a chance for permanent prosperity. The claims confirmed 
amounted to 2,051,526 acres, and those rejected reached 33,439,- 
493 acres. 

This period was one of unusual business prosperity. All the 
principal industries of the territory were fostered and flourished. 
The public finances were very satisfactory. In 1890 the terri- 
torial auditor reported a surplus of $40,000 in the treasury, 
which was used to reduce outstanding indebtedness. The reduc- 
tion of the bonded debt of the territory began at this time, 
$30,000 of penitentiary bonds being paid off and cancelled. So 
high was the credit of New Mexico that the territory had to pay 
117 for the bonds thus paid off, as they had a number of years 
to run. 

On March 20, 1891, after the adjournment of the legislature, 
without making a legislative apportionment based on the new 
census. Governor Prince proceeded, in accordance with law, to 
make such apportionment and announced the same by proclama- 
tion. Tliis delicate duty was so fairly and equitably performed 
that the apportionment thus made continued in force for nearly 
sixteen years, without a word of objection or criticism. On May 
12, 1892, the beautiful capitol building in Santa Fe was destroyed 
by fire, probably of incendiary origin. Almost all the public 
documents of value were saved, including the Spanish and Mexi- 
can archives. The governor's office was transferred to its old 
home in the palace, and the other territorial officials found tem- 
porary accommodations until the completion of the new capitol 
in 1900. 



210 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

William T. Thornton (1893) 

President Harrison having failed of re-election and Grover 
Cleveland being again president of the United States, a demo- 
crat was naturally to be appointed governor in the spring of 
1893, and the choice fell on William T. Thornton, who had been 
a resident of New Mexico since 1877, and prominent in legisla- 
tive and legal affairs. 

Through his entire administration he devoted himself to the 
punishment of crime, especially of murders, which had become 
alarmingly frequent, often in connection with politics. Two of 
these cases were especially conspicuous, that of Francisco Chaves, 
sheriff of Santa Fe county, and of John Dougherty, former sher- 
iff of Mora. There was also a flagrant murder at the bridge in 
Las Vegas and the mysterious disappearance of a man named 
Silva and his family in the same town. Around each of these 
cases clustered other crimes that were developed as investigation 
proceeded. In every instance the guilty parties were finally dis- 
covered, and the vigor of the prosecutions did much to stop the 
wave of crime that seemed flowing over the territory. Nineteen 
criminals were executed during the four years' term, and a large 
number of convictions for crimes punishable by imprisonment 
were obtained. 

Governor Thornton was much hampered in his official action 
by the jealousies and ambitions of many of the leading democrats, 
which made any unity of action impossible. In one legislative 
council three democratic members were candidates for the same 
official position, and each insisted on immediate appointment as 
the price of his support. While he was absent in Washington to 
pr-revent presidential interference with the execution of the 
Chaves murderers, the secretary as acting-governor appointed a 
number of important officials and had them confirmed before the 
governor's return. Everyone admitted his good intentions and 
appreciated his energy, but he could never rely on loyal support. 

The Columbian Exposition at Chicago was held in 1893 and 
New Mexico was very creditably represented there by a terri- 
torial building and a fine display of its varied products. It 



THE TERBITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 211 

gained a valuable reputation by exhibiting the finest oats in the 
United States and the best wheat in the entire world, and receiv- 
ing prizes accordingly. 

As an outgrowth of work for this Exposition, a unique organiza- 
tion, known as the Woman's Board of Trade, was formed in 
Santa Fe in 1903. From that time it has done the principal 
civic work in that city. It has entire charge of the Plaza, at- 
tends to the public charities, manages the cemetery which it has 
greatly improved, and has erected a fine library building in 
which it conducts a free circulating library. 

In 1895 the legislature passed an act for the rebuilding of the 
capitol by a commission appointed by the governor. The sum of 
$75,000 was appropriated for the purpose, together with the use 
of old capitol material and of convict labor. 



Miguel A. Otero (1897) 

The appointment of Governor Otero was as much a surprise 
to himself as to others. He w^ent to Washington as a candidate 
for marshal, but that position not being available, the application 
was changed to secretary. President McKinley was anxious to 
appoint as governor his old friend and neighbor in Canton, Ohio, 
George H. Wallace, then sojourning in Santa Fe, and it was 
practically decided that Wallace should be governor and Otero 
secretary, when strong opposition was made to the AVallace ap- 
pointment on the ground that he was not a bona fide citizen of 
New Mexico. The president then concluded to reverse the posi- 
tions, with the idea that the two officials would work together and 
the result be practically all that he desired. This plan proved 
a failure from the beginning, and was definitely ended by the 
death of Secretary Wallace, who was succeeded by James W. 
Raynolds. 



212 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

The most important event in this administration was the par- 
ticipation of New Mexicans in the Spanish- American War. Im- 
mediately after the proclamation of the president calling for 
125,000 volunteers, there was a rush of New Mexicans to enter 
the military service. Five times the number called for could 
easily have been obtained. The only difficulty experienced was 
from the number of applicants for every official position. 

The quota assigned to New Mexico consisted of four troops of 
a regiment commanded by Leonard Wood as colonel and Theo- 
dore Roosevelt as lieutenant colonel, and universally known as 
the Rough Riders; and they were mustered into the service with 
great promptitude in Santa Fe. The commissioned officers were 
as follows: 

Major, Henry B. Hersey. 
Troop E — Captain, Frederick Muller, 

First Lieutenant, William R. Griffin, 
Second Lieutenant, Sherrard Coleman. 
Troop F — Captain Maximiliano Luna, 

First Lieutenant, Horace W. Weakley, 
Second Lieutenant, William E. Dame. 
Troop G — Captain, W. II. H. Llewell^m, 

First Lieutenant, John Wesley Green, 
Second Lieutenant, David L. Leahy. 
Troop H — Captain, George Curry, 

First Lieutenant, William H. Kelly, 
Second Lieutenant, Charles L. Ballard. 

The regiment was brought together at San Antonio, Texas, 
and from there, on May 29, 1898, forwarded to Tampa en route 
to Cuba. One company had to remain in Florida, and the troop 
of Captain Curry encountered that bad fortune. No one regretted 
this loss of the opportunity for danger and glory more than 
themselves. The others embarked on June 14, and on the 22d 
landed on the island near Santiago. The rest of their career is 
national history, and no brighter page is to be found than that 
which chronicles the gallantry of the New Mexico troops at Las 
Guasimas, and San Juan Hill. According to the colonel's own 



THE TEREITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 213 

statement, the first standards planted on the summit were those 
of the three troops from the Sunshine State. 

Under the second call for volunteers, a battalion of four com- 
panies marched forth from New Mexico. They were mustered 
into the ser\'ice in July, 1898, and remained in camp in Ken- 
tucky and Georgia for a considerable time, but had no oppor- 
tunity actually to meet the enemy. This, however, should not 
detract from their reputation, as they were always not only 
ready but anxious for active service. 
Their officers were as follows : 
Company E, Albuquerque. Captain, John Borradaile, 

First Lieutenant, L. H. Cham- 
be rlin, 
Second Lieutenant, L. A. Mc- 
Crea. 
Company F, Las Vegas. Captain, W. C. Read, 

First Lieutenant, W. 0. Morri- 
son, 
Second Lieutenant, A. Luntzel. 
Company G, Santa Fe. Captain, "William Strover, 

First Lieutenant, Page B. Otero, 
Second Lieutenant, J. P. S. Men- 
nett. 
Company H, Las Cruces. Captain, A. B. Fall, 

First Lieutenant, J. W. Catron. 
Second Lieutenant, N. E. Bailey. 
During this administration the territory continued to increase 
in population, especially by the settlement of the eastern portion 
and the Estancia valley, which had been considered sections only 
adapted to grazing, but which under the improved system of dry 
farming were rapidly covered with homesteads. There were con- 
stant attempts to secure statehood, as will be more fully stated 
in a separate chapter. 

The most important legislation was the passage by Congress of 
the act of June 21, 1898, championed by Delegate H. J. Fergus- 
son, donating to the territory large areas of public lands for edu- 



214 HISTOKY OF NEW MEXICO 

cational and other purposes, in advance of statehood; this being 
in partial reparation for the injustice done by Congress in con- 
tinuing to deprive New Mexico of self-government. 

At the Trans-Mississippi Exposition at Omaha in 1898 and the 
great Louisiana Purchase Exposition at St. Louis in 1904, the 
territory was officially represented and made very creditable ex- 
hibitions of its resources and products. 

In 1900 the new capitol was completed, in a very satisfactory 
and creditable manner; and on June 4 it was formally opened, 
with an address by Ex-Governor Prince. 

This administration itself was essentially a political one and 
introduced methods to enforce and perpetuate its power unknown 
in New Mexico for many years, the result being a compact po- 
litical organization which included officials of every character. 
These methods and the expense necessarily entailed by them 
naturally provoked opposition, and appeals to Washington in 
the form of charges were frequent. By organized action and the 
skilful use of personal influences, however, the governor con- 
tinued in office until the beginning of 1906, when the president 
appointed Mr. Hagerman in his place. 



Herbert J. Hagerman (1906) 

Governor Hagerman was a comparatively young man, whose 
experience in public life consisted of a brief service as assistant 
secretary of legation in St. Petersburg under Ambassador Hitch- 
cock, now secretary of the interior. His father, J. J. Hagerman, 
was the largest property owner in the Pecos Valley, and had done 
very much for the development of that section. 

The new governor was of liberal education and high ideals, 
and had every desire to conduct a creditable administration and 
inaugurate for himself a successful public career. It was under- 
stood that he was appointed with the definite idea of reforming 



THE TERRITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 215 

alleged abuses. But, lacking in experience and so self-confident 
as to deprecate advice, his position was difficult if not dangerous, 
as he was naturally looked upon with distrust if not enmity by 
the adherents of the old organization which his appointment dis- 
placed. 

Friction soon arose and his enemies watched for an opportun- 
ity to dislodge the governor whom they could not control. Before 
very long this presented itself in an act which though well-in- 
tended and practically right, was yet technically incorrect. The 
"organization" pressed this advantage both in New Mexico and 
Washington, and finally induced the president to call for the 
governor's resignation. It was the almost universal sentiment, 
that in its manner if not in its substance, this action of the im- 
pulsive president was ungenerous and unjust toward his own ap- 
pointee, who had incurred enmity by following his instructions, 
and whose lack of experience was as well known before his ap- 
pointment as aftrwards. 



George Curry (1907) 



The new governor was George Curry, Rough Rider captain, 
official in the Philippines, and personal friend of President 
Roosevelt, who assumed office on August 8, 1907. 

Governor Curry had always been a democrat, of the southern 
type, and had held many offices in New Mexico, including that 
of president of the legislative council. In the Spanish War he 
had been a captain of a company but unfortunately had no oppor- 
tunity to see service in Cuba. Afterwards in the Philippines he 
was chief of police in Manila, and governor of Samar, and in all 
positions achieved an excellent reputation. He was a worshipper 
of Roosevelt, and at the time in question called himself a Roose- 
velt republican. 

As governor he showed marked ability in conciliating adverse 



216 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

interests, was amiable, frank, and helpful, and untiring in en- 
deavoring to make the office useful to the people. He took much 
interest in securing public lands for the territory, in promoting 
immigration, and in good roads, and was indefatigable in visiting 
all sections of the territory that required any attention. Ac- 
customed to outdoor life, nothing was so oppressive as office work ; 
and with an extremely active temperament he seemed at times 
almost to live on the railroads and to be in Washington nearly 
as much as Santa Fe. 

It was over these Washington trips that friction first arose be- 
tween the secretary of the interior and the governor, and this 
gradually increased until the president in November, 1909, de- 
cided to make a new appointment and offered the position to 
William J. Mills, who for twelve years had been chief justice of 
New Mexico. The appointment of Governor Mills was confirmed 
on December 20, but in accordance with the formal resignation 
of Governor Curry, the change in the office did uot take place 
till March 1, 1910. It was during this administration that the 
Spanish-American Normal School at VA Rito was founded, in 
March, 1909. 



William J. Mills (1910) 

Governor Mills came to the gubernatorial office well equipped 
for its duties. lie had legislative experience in both houses of 
the Connecticut legislature, and had been chief justice of New 
Mexico since 1898. This experience not only gave facility in 
disposing of most administrative questions but a poise and tact 
which smoothed many difficulties. 

Much of his term of office was occupied by matters connected 
with the transition to statehood. On June 20, 1910, the Enabling 
Act was signed by the president. This was followed by the 



THE TERRITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 217 

preparations for the election of a constitutional coavention, and 
that election itself on September 6. The governor, chief justice, 
and secretary constituted a commission to apportion the delegates 
among the respective counties, and this duty was performed on 
June 28 and the election proclamation was issued the next day. 
The convention contained 100 delegates, and as elected consisted 
of 71 republicans and 29 democrats. Charles A. Spiess, of Las 
Vegas, was elected president. The convention met on October 3, 
1910, was in session till November 21, and formulated a constitu- 
tion good in most of its provisions, but not containing the new 
theories rife at the time and then called ' ' progressive. ' ' The sec- 
tion as to amendments was especiall.y objectionable on account of 
the difficulties that it placed in the way of future constitutional 
changes. The constitution was very satisfactory in guarding with 
extreme care the rights of Spanish-speaking citizens. 

The vote of the people on the adoption of the constitution was 
taken on January 21, 1911, when the result as recorded was 
31,742 in favor and 13,399 against. While this is not an ac- 
curate expression of the people's will, because unfortunately in a 
few counties over-zealous friends of statehood prevented any 
ballots against the constitution being circulated or cast, yet even 
with a liberal calculation of the votes thus suppressed, the ma- 
jority in favor of the proposition was many thousands. There 
was much discussion and delay in Congress, but finally the reso- 
lution admitting New Mexico and Arizona was passed, and signed 
l)y the president on August 21. The only proviso, so far as New 
Mexico was concerned, was that at the first election the people 
should vote on the proposition to facilitate the making of amend- 
ments to the constitution. As the congressional resolution pro- 
vided that this question should be voted on separately, by a ballot 
printed on blue paper, the question was commonly called "The 
Blue Ballot." 

The final acquisition of the long-fought-for boon of statehood 
brought new duties to the governor, upon whom it devolved to 
fix the date of the first state election and give notice thereof by 
proclamation. This was accordingly done, the day selected be- 



218 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

ing November 7. Instantly political activity was rife throughout 
the state, everyone desiring to take part in the first state election. 
With many it was the fiirst opportunity they had ever had to vote 
for a governor or for a regular member of congress. 

Both parties made strenuous efforts to carry the state at its 
first election. The republican convention, confident of victory, 
met at Las Vegas on September 28, and the democratic at Santa 
Fe on October 2. Had wise counsels prevailed at Las Vegas 
there was no doubt of republican success. But several circum- 
stances weakened the chances for the ticket nominated. The in- 
sistence on Hon. H. 0. Bursum as candidate for governor, when 
he had evident elements of weakness, an unfortunate and im- 
passioned address raising the "race issue," by Mr. 0. A. Larra- 
zola, until recently a democratic leader, and the arbitrary manner 
in which the remainder of the ticket was dictated, were chiefly 
responsible for the subsequent defeat. The democratic conven- 
tion was less confident, and perhaps therefore more careful. It 
nominated William C. McDonald, of Lincoln county, for gover- 
nor and placed two progressive republicans on the ticket. 

The succeeding campaign was brief but vigorous, and the num- 
ber of "split" tickets cast and the wide difference in the aggre- 
gate votes of the leading candidates, show that the people cast 
their first state ballot with a care and study most commendable 
and encouraging. The ' ' blue ballot ' ' amendment received a much 
larger majority than any individual candidate, 34,897 to 23,831, 
which is surprising, because as a rule it is difficult to arouse the 
interest of voters in an abstract proposition. Of the principal 
officers, the democrats elected the governor, lieutenant-governor, 
one congressman, superintendent of public instruction, secretary 
of state, and treasurer ; and the republicans the attorney general, 
auditor, one congressman, the commissioner of public lands, and 
two of the three supreme judges. The total vote cast was 60,842. 

Nothing now remained for the territorial government which 
had existed so long but to end its days with dignity and grace. 

On January 6, 1912, the president signed the proclamation 
admitting New Mexico into the American Union. 



THE TERRITORIAL PERIOD, 1851-1912 219 

On January 15, at noon, the first governor of the state of New 
Mexico took the oath of office, and the territorial authority, which 
had existed for over sixty years, was at an end. The ceremonies 
were dignified and appropriate. Governor Mills made an ad- 
dress, largely a review of the past; Governor McDonald took the 
oath which made him the chief executive of the state, and de- 
livered liis inaugural address, which looked to the future and 
what it held for the welfare of New ]\Iexico and its people. 

The flag of the nation waved from the dome of the capitol, di- 
rectly over the actors in this great political drama. 

The band burst into the exultant strain of patriotic music. 

The New State was bom. The Territory was no more. 

A self-governing People began their career and their history. 

The Past, with the finished story of almost four centuries of 
adventure, of trial, of achievement, closed its book. 



CHAPTER XXII 

The Texan Invasion of 1862 

Once and once only since the American occupation, has what 
may be called civilized warfare invaded the territory and dis- 
turbed its peace, and that was in 1862, the second year of the 
War of the Rebellion. The record of New Mexico in that war is 
one of which she can be proud. Althou<]:h her population was al- 
most entirely of a nationality once foreign, and had had scarcely 
any communication with the other portions of the country, yet, 
when the shock of war came, it was found, with very few excep- 
tions, loyal to the Union. This was especially the case with the 
native population; among the ^'Americans" the majority were 
from Missouri and neighboring states and were not fdtogether to 
be depended upon, but the "Mexican" element presented an al- 
most unbroken front to the enemy. 

During the winter of 1861-2, the Confederate leaders arranged 
a comprehensive programme of campaign for the far west, which 
was intended to have the very important result of separating the 
Pacific states from the rest of the country, and finally taking 
possession of them with their long line of sea-coast and wealth of 
gold. The plan was to send an army northerly from Texas to 
conquer New Mexico and to take possession of the great stores of 
government arms and munitions at Port Union, and then to pro- 
ceed into Colorado, thus cutting all the lines of communication 
between the east and the far west ; and afterwards making a junc- 
tion with the Mormons of Utah, whom they hoped to have as 
allies, and with them march to California. The importance of 
this campaign can hardly be over-estimated, for it was intended 
not only to secure to the Confederac.y the long unguarded coast- 
line, which it so much needed, but by greatly extending its terri- 



THE TEXAN INVASION OP 1862 221 

tory to give it vastly increased prestige in the eyes of the nations 
of Europe. 

Mr. Floyd, of Virginia, when secretary of war, had arranged 
for the betrayal of the Union troops in New Mexico, by putting 
in command Colonel W. W. Loring and George B. Crittenden, 
both of whom, when the Rebellion opened, abandoned their trusts 
and went to Texas after vainly endeavoring to seduce the men 
under their command. About the same time Alexander M. Jack- 
son, the secretary of the territory, deserted his office and with- 
drew to Texas. 

The first actual military operations were in July, 1861, when 
Lieutenant-Colonel John R. Baylor, marching into New Mexico 
from El Paso, occupied Ft. Bliss and took possession of Mesilla. 
Ft. Fillmore was the first important army post north of Mesilla, 
being forty miles from El Paso, and was then in charge of 
Miaj. Isaac Lynde with over 400 Union troops. For no good rea- 
son and against the indignant protests of his loyal officers and 
men, he basely abandoned the fort on July 27 and soon after 
ignominiously surrendered his entire command to Colonel Baylor. 
In an official report he attempted to justify his action, but for 
his cowardice or treachery he was dismissed from the army and 
there is little doubt of his disloyalty. Maj. James Cooper IMcKee, 
army surgeon, in his narrative of the surrender says that old 
soldiers and strong men wept like children when thus compelled 
to lay down their arms. 

On August 1 Colonel Baylor issued a proclamation organizing 
a new territory wliich he named Arizona, to consist of all the part 
of New IMexico south of the 34th parallel of latitude, as a portion 
of the Confederate States, providing a fundamental law for its 
government, and announcing himself as governor. During the 
fall the Texan forces were gathered at El Paso, and by New Year 
included 2,300 men, commanded by Gen. H. II. Sibley, who was 
another officer that had been stationed in New Mexico and aban- 
doned the service of his country in its hour of need. 

On December 20 General Sibley issued a proclamation, skilfully 
worded to seduce the New Mexican people from their allegiance 



222 HISTOKY OF NEW MEXICO 

to the Union, and also offering inducements to military officers 
and soldiers to desert their flag, which was distributed as widely 
as possible but with little or no effect. 

The native people of New Mexico with very few exceptions 
were thoroughly loyal to the Union throughout the entire war. 
The territorial legislature authorized Governor Connell}^ to call 
out the whole force of the territory for the protection of its soil 
and people, and the governor himself, who had been appointed 
from among the old residents of New Mexico, was faithful and 
active in his endeavor to support the government. At the close 
of the session of the legislature the Council and House issued an 
address to the people, signed by Facundo Pino, president, and 
J. M. Gallegos, speaker, and dated January 29, 1862, calling on 
them in most stirring and patriotic language to rally to the de- 
fense of the country against the invaders. 

On the defection of Colonel Loring in 1861, General Canby, a 
brave and patriotic officer, was placed in command of the de- 
partment, with Lieutenant-Colonel Roberts next in rank; and 
under them in the spring of 1862 were 900 men all told. Two 
regiments of New ]\Iexico volunteers were raised, of one of which 
Ceran St. Vrain was Colonel, Kit Carson, lieutenant-colonel, and 
J. Francisco Chaves, major ; the other being commanded by Col. 
Miguel Pino. 

The Union force was concentrated at Fort Craig, when in 
February the Southern army under General Sibley, about 2,500 
strong, appeared in the valley of the Rio Grande. Sibley at- 
tempted to gain a position which commanded the fort, and Canby 
endeavored to cut oft' the enemy from a water supply, the various 
skirmishes culminating in the battle of Valverde on the east side 
of the Rio Grande, on February 21, when Canby 's army failed in 
its object and he was forced to re-cross the river to Fort Craig. 
Sibley then marched up the valley and occupied Albuquerque ; 
and there being no means of resistance at hand, the United 
States officials evacuated Santa Fe on March 3, and retired to 
Fort Union, Sibley's army occupying the capital a week later. 

Meanwhile, Governor Gilpin had sent the First Regiment of 



THE TEXAN INVASION OF 1862 223 

Colorado Yolunteers, under Colonel John P. Slough, southward 
from Denver to the aid of the threatened territory; and after a 
hard march, they arrived at Fort Union on March 11, wliere they 
were thoroughly anned and equipped, and whence they marched 
with very little delay along the old trail towards Santa Fe. They 
were joined by a few companies of regular troops that had been 
in the north of the territory, and by a considerable number of 
volunteers, and on the 20th of jMareh met the advancing Con- 
federate army at Apache Cafion or Glorieta. The battle fought 
here, though hardly known to history, was the decisive conflict 
which settled the result of the war in the Rocky Mountain coun- 
try. On the first day only a part of each army was engaged, and 
the contest though stubborn and long continued was indecisive. 

Early in the next morning. Captain Manuel Chaves led four 
hundred men under Major J. M. Chivington by a circuitous and 
difficult path to the rear of the Confederate position. In the main 
battle which was fiercely contested and which lasted for five hours, 
Sibley succeeded in driving the Union soldiers back some dis- 
tance to Koslowsl^y's Ranch, but at this moment Chivington fell 
upon the rear of the Confederate force and destroyed its wagons 
and supplies. The news of this loss demoralized the Texan army, 
the fate of the day was changed, and Sibley commenced a retreat 
southerly'-, evacuating Santa Fe on April 8, and proceeding down 
the valley. He was closely followed, and was greatly embarrassed 
by Avant of supplies; on April 15. at Peralta, he was attacked by 
the Union forces and suffered considerable loss and was forced^ 
to retreat as rapidly as possible to El Paso to avoid capture. At 
this battle of Peralta the New ^Mexican companv commanded by 
Maj. Jose D. Sena gained special credit. 

For several days the contending armies were wdthin sight of 
each other, on opposite sides of the river, and General Canby was 
criticized for not pressing his advantage vigorously and captur- 
ing the retreating Texans. But his loyalty and skill are above 
question, and it is evident that he was well content to have the 
invaders leave the territory, without incambering himself with 
the care of prisoners whom he had no means to support. 



224 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

This ended the campaign, and indeed was the end of the war in 
New Mexico so far as organized enemies were concerned. In 
July, the first detachments of the "California Column," which 
had marched across the deserts of Arizona, reached Ft. Thorne, 
and soon after the main body under Gen. James H. Carleton ar- 
rived at Mesilla. This column included the first and fifth regi- 
ments of California infantry, five companies of the first Cali- 
fornia cavalry, Company B of the second California cavalry, and 
a light battery of U. S. artillery. In all it included about 2,850 
men, and its remarkable march across the desert from the Pacific 
to the Rio Grande is one of the most gallant achievements of the 
entire war. 

This California Column as a whole consisted of an exceptionally 
fine body of men whose presence prevented further inroads, if 
they had been intended, and for many years after the war it was 
still represented in the territory by prominent and substantial 
citizens who had made New Mexico their home. 

The alacrity with which the people of New Mexico flocked to 
the standard of the Union and enlisted in the cause of their 
country, during the years from 1861 to 1865, will always be a 
source of pride to the Sunshine State. Less than fifteen years 
had elapsed from the time of the American occupation under 
General Kearny when the great war was forced upon the country. 
It might have been thought that the time was too short for the 
growth of a general spirit of American patriotism and loyalty. 
But the actual events formed the best answer to such misgivings. 
The soldiers monument, erected by order of the three legisla- 
tures immediately succeeding the war, in the center of the Plaza 
at Santa Fe fitly commemorated the loyalty and bravery of those 
who fell in defense of the Union in the various battles of this 
New Mexican campaign of 1862. The inscriptions on the east, 
south, and west sides are as folloAvs : 

East: "Erected by the people of New Mexico, through their 
Legislatures of 1866-7-8. May the Union be per- 
petual." 

South: "To the Heroes of the Federal Armv who fell at the 



THE TEXAN INVASION OF ]862 225 

battle of Valverde, fought with the rebels February 
21, 1862." 
West: "To the Heroes of the Federal Army who fell at the 
battles of Canon del Apache and Pigeons Rancho (La 
Glorieta), fought with the rebels March 28, 1862, and 
to those who fell at the battle fought with the Rebels 
at Peralta, April 15, 1862." 

The people showed themselves as loyal as any in the nation. 
During the Rebellion out of her total population of 93,567 she 
sent 6,561 men into the army. The value of that service to the 
Union cause can scarcely be overestimated. The total number of 
volunteers from the territories now comprising the six states of 
North Dakota, South Dakota, Washington, Montana, Idaho, and 
Wyoming, was 1,170. Colorado sent but 4,903, and Nebraska, 
Oregon, and Nevada taken together contributed but 6,047, being 
500 less than New Mexico alone. In fact, the official statistics 
show that no state of the Union contributed such a percentage of 
its population to the Union army as did New Mexico. Surely, 
this is a record of which her children can be proud. 

An interesting episode connected with this invasion is found 
in the fact that, when the American officers were entirely with- 
out funds, owing to the lack of rapid communication with the 
east, the person from whom they secured the necessary money to 
meet the immediate exigencies of the army was the governor of 
the pueblo of Isleta, a very intelligent and tine looking Indian, 
named Ambrosio Abeyta. He was considered at the time to be 
the wealthiest Pueblo Indian in the territory : and without any 
hesitation he furnished the American paymaster with $18,000 in 
specie, merely taking his receipt in recognition of the obligation. 
Years passed without his making any claim upon the govern- 
ment for this amount, as he imagined that it would be returned 
without request on his part, when it was convenient to the na- 
tional authorities. But after waiting twelve years, he concluded 
to make a trip to Washington on the subject, and proceeded there 
accompanied by his nearest friend, Alejandro Padilla, who was 
also for a number of years governor of Isleta, and bj^ John Ward, 



226 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

at one time United States Indian agent. It is gratifying to 
know that through the personal interest of General Grant, then 
president of the United States, he received the amount so gener- 
ously loaned in the time of need, with the thanks of the govern- 
ment. 

Don Amado Chaves, then a clerk in the pension office at Wash- 
ington, was detailed to escort the two patriotic Indians to their 
home in New Mexico. 



CHAPTER XXIII 

Struggle for Statehood 

[This chapter is condensed from the book entitled The Struggle 
for Statehood, by the author.] 

BEGINNING OP THE STRUGGLE 

In no part of the United States has there ever been such a pro- 
tracted struggle for self-government as in New Mexico. In no 
other case has statehood been so long withheld. Perhaps nowliere 
in history is there such a series of failures, in what at the time 
seemed almost certainty, through unlooked for and often insig- 
nificant causes. 

Statehood was almost attained in ] 850 ; it was lost by a hand- 
shake in 1875, by a sudden impetuous word in 1889, by a shiver 
of malaria and a miscalculation of time in 1894. 

The struggle for statehood began almost as soon as the Ameri- 
can occupation. In the speeches and proclamations of Governor 
Kearny language was used which aroused hope, if it did not give 
promise, of self-government. In the first address in front of the 
palace, on August 19, 1846, he announced the intention to "es- 
tablish a civil government on a republican basis similar to those 
of our own States. ' ' 

The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was finally signed early in 
1848, and proclaimed at Washington on July 4, and some action 
regarding the newly acquired territory was anxiously awaited. 
The advice of the president was that the people should "live 
peacably and quietly under the existing government for a few 
months" until Congress could act deliberately and wisely. 

Hon. Thomas H. Benton, then in the height of his influence 
and power as senator from Missouri, was greatly interested in the 



228 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

condition of the new domain, and especially of New Mexico. 
Under date of August 28, 1848, he addressed an open letter to 
the people of California and New Mexico, in which he advised 
them "to meet in convention, provide for a cheap and simple 
government, and take care of yourselves until Congress can pro- 
vide for you." 

The advice of Senator Benton was quickly followed. New 
Mexico was without any legal government, since the Treaty of 
Guadalupe Hidalgo had ended the regime of military occupa- 
tion, and the continuance of the cZe facto military authority was 
but a temporary make-shift justifiable by the peculiar conditions. 
The people were anxious for almost any form of government 
which would be regular in form and civil in character. 

Under call from Governor Vigil, a convention was held at 
Santa Fe on October 10, 1848, and organized by the election of 
Antonio Jose Martinez, of Taos (the celebrated Padre Martinez), 
as president. Francisco Sarracino, who had been governor of 
New Mexico under the Mexican regime, in 1834, Governor Vigil, 
James Quinn, and Juan Perea were appointed a committee to 
draft a memorial to Congress expressing the views of the con- 
vention. They reported a form of petition, which was unani- 
mously adopted, which looked to the immediate establishment of 
a territorial government. 

Nothing resulted from the action of this convention, and the 
people continued to be very restless under the irregular authority 
of the military connnanders. They were divided into two parties, 
one anxious for statehood, and the other believing that a regular 
territorial organization was all that could be obtained and that 
therefore their efforts should be bent in that direction. 

First State Convention 

In the spring of 1849, James S. Calhoun, afterwards the first 
governor under the organic act, was sent to New Mexico as In- 
dian agent, but with semi-official instructions to favor the organi- 
zation of a state government. In this he was actively aided by 
Manuel Alvarez, Angney, Pillans, etc., while Ceran St. Vrain, 
Judge Houghton, Carlos Beaubien, etc., favored a territorial form 



STEUGGLE FOR STATEHOOD 229 

of government. Subsequently all parties united in the desire for 
a constitutional convention, and an important meeting was lield 
in Santa Fe on April the 20, 1850, where resolutions to that 
effect were adopted, and Colonel Munroe, then military governor, 
was requested to issue a proclamation calling for an election of 
delegates. 

This he did in April, 1850, and a regular constitutional con- 
vention was elected, and commenced its session on May 15, 1850. 
James H. Quinn was elected president of the convention. The 
convention sat for ten days and succeeded in formulating a con- 
stitution which all concede to be an admirable instrument. The 
two features which naturally attract most attention are the clear 
declaration against slavery in the new state, and the appreciation 
shown of the value of public education. Besides the section of 
the constitution forever prohibiting slavery in New Mexico, there 
was a strong paragraph on that subject in the accompanying ad- 
dress, showing that slavery had always been the curse of the com- 
munities in which it existed. It should never be forgotten that 
this first constitutional convention in New Mexico, in which 
native New Mexicans composed over ninety per cent of the mem- 
bership, took this high ground and maintained it courageously, 
although by so doing they were placing in jeopardy their own 
right to self-government. 

On May 28, Colonel Munroe, the military governor, issued his 
proclamation calling for an election on the adoption of the con- 
stitution to be held on June 20, and also a vote on a separate 
ballot for governor and state officers. There was no real contest 
over the constitution, which seems to have been universally ap- 
proved ; the vote in favor of its adoption being 8,371 against 39 
opposed. But for state and local officers there was the usual 
political contest. The candidates for governor and lieutenant or 
vice-governor on one ticket were Henry Connelly, a well-known 
merchant of the Santa Fe Trail, and Manuel Alvarez, for many 
years United States consul at Santa Fe; while opposed to them 
were Tomas Cabeza de Baca and Ceran St. A^rain. A few of the 
ballots used at this first state election are still in existence, in the 
collection of the New Mexico Historical Society, and are written 



230 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

on paper of uniform size. Connelly and Alvarez were elected 
by a considerable majority. 

The legislature met on the 4th of July and continued in session 
over a week. It elected Francis A. Cunningham and Richard H. 
"Weightman, United States senators ; made various appointments, 
ordered an election for local officials in August, and proceeded to 
enact general legislation. This was entirely contrary to the lan- 
guage of Governor Munroe's proclamation, and assumed that the 
state was actually established, and its government fully organ, 
ized, without any congressional action. 

A controversy inmiediately arose between Alvarez, acting as 
state governor while Connelly was absent in the east, and Colonel 
Munroe, the military and civil governor of the territory. Both 
were able men and sustained their respective positions wiih 
vigor. However, any real conflict was avoided, until the news 
arrived by the slow mails across the plains that Congress had 
passed the so-called Compromise measures of 1850, which settled 
the whole matter. 

Under their provisions California was admitted as a free state ; 
New Mexico and Utah, covering all the remaining area acquired 
from IMexico, were made into territories, with no mention of 
slavery; Texas abandoned her claim on New Mexico east of the 
Rio Grande, and received a large compensation therefor. 

The next formal action looking towards statehood was early in 
1866, when the legislature passed an act authorizing the governor 
to call a constitutional convention, to be elected on the first Mon- 
day in March and to meet in the city of Santa Fe ; the constitu- 
tion formulated to be submitted to a vote of the people on the 
fourth Monday in June. Apparently nothing of a practical 
nature was accomplished under this law. 

On February 3, 1870, the legislature passed an act providing 
for an election to be held on the first M'onday in October of that 
year for the purpose of submitting a state constitution and elect- 
ing the state officers and legislature provided therein, but nothing 
seems to have resulted from this attempt to secure self-govern- 
ment. 



STRUGGLE FOR STATEHOOD 231 

To remedy this failure, the succeeding legislature took up the 
subject early in the session and passed a bill which was approved 
by the governor on February 1, 1872, entitled "An Act provid- 
ing for a General Election for the Purpose of Submitting to a 
Vote of the People a State Constitution and State Officers." 

The constitution that was thus submitted was printed in a 
pamphlet of forty-seven pages and was a comprehensive and well 
arranged document, creditable to those who prepared and adopt- 
ed it. 

On the day after the election the Daily New Mexican said 
"the election yesterday passed off very quietly, only about half 
of the vote being polled. ' ' The next day there appeared in the 
Neiv Mexican an editorial article, evidently inspired by Governor 
Giddings, which gave a reason or rather an excuse for letting 
the whole subject drop. 

So this attempt at statehood, which occupied the attention of 
two legislatures, and caused a constitution to be prepared, 
printed, approved by the legislature, and submitted to the people 
at a special election held solely for that purpose, died without any 
good cause ; and another of the unfortunate accidents which have 
retarded the progress of New Mexico was added to the list. 

Congressional Action 

While these proceedings had been taken in New Mexico, on 
almost every available occasion. Congress had been no less active 
in considering the subject. 

At almost every session a bill for the admission of New 
Mexico was introduced, generally reported favorably in the House, 
and more or less considered, but without any definite result. 

In 1869 an attempt was made, though not by New Mexicans, 
to transform the territory into a state called Lincoln ; but this 
project was ultimately defeated in the senate. 

In the 40th Congress, Delegate J. Francisco Chaves made a 
vigorous and eloquent speech in favor of statehood and in de- 
fense of the people against unjust criticism. 

In the 43d Congress (] 873-5) the enabling act was introduced 



232 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

by Hon. Stephen B. Elkins, then delegate from New Mexico, and 
on the 21st of May, 1874, he delivered a carefully prepared 
speech on the bill, which contained the best collection of facts 
and arguments on the subject that had ever been presented to 
Congress. The bill passed the House by the remarkable vote of 
160 to 54 and was sent to the senate for concurrence. In that 
body it finally passed on February 24, 1875, by the decisive ma- 
jority of 32 to 11, with a slight amendment. It was then that 
the series of misadventures which had accompanied all the at- 
tempts to secure New Mexican statehood from the beginning 
culminated in the incident which has liecome historic as the ' ' El- 
kins handshake," and again dashed the cup of success from the 
very lips of the people of the territory. When the bill was re- 
turned to the House, after passing the senate with amendments, 
but ten days of the session remained, and the difficulty was to get 
the bill before the House for action Avithin this brief and busy 
time. To suspend the rules required a two-thirds vote, and this 
was necessary if the bill was to be considered at all. 

Just at this time, Hon. Julius C. Burroughs, of Michigan, made 
a powerful speech on political subjects, in which he characterized 
the Rebellion and those engaged in it in plain terms — which at 
that period, on account of its allusions to the war, was called a 
"bloody shirt" speech. Mr. Elkins, w^ho had been conversing 
with friends in the lobby, had not heard a word of the speech, but 
happened to re-enter the chamber just as Mr. Burroughs had 
concluded and was receiving the congratulations of a crowd of 
members about him. Filled with his spirit of cordiality, Mr. 
Elkins joined the group and shook hands with the speaker with 
characteristic vigor. This was observed by a number of southern 
members whose feelings had been much excited by the speech, 
and they instantly concluded that they would lend no aid to the 
passage of the New Mexico bill which it was understood would 
bring Mr. Elkins speedily to the senate. The delegate did what 
he could in the brief interval to repair the damage, but a sufficient 
number of former supporters from Georgia and Alabama refused 
to be placated, to make it impossible to obtain the tAvo-thirds 
vote necessarv; and so the enabling act was lost. 



STRUGGLE FOR STATEHOOD 233 

In the succeeding Congress (the 44th) Mr. Elkins again se- 
cured the introduction of the enabling act for New Mexico, and 
it passed the senate during its first session, on March 10, 1876, 
by the strong vote of 35 to 15. In the house of representatives 
it Avas reported favorably by the committee on territories, and 
was on the calendar, awaiting action at the time of the linal 
adjournment. 

After these virtual defeats, although in no case was there an 
actual vote adverse to New Mexico, and the retirement of Mr. 
Elkins as delegate, no active efforts looking to statehood were 
made for several years. 

Early in the session of the 50th Congress, which met in De- 
cember, 1887, a bill was introduced "To provide for the forma- 
tion and admission into the Union of the States of Washington, 
Dakota, Montana and New Mexico." Accompanying this bill 
was a very voluminous report, or series of reports, covering 145 
pages and containing much information and many contradictory 
opinions regarding the four territories affected by it. The mi- 
nority report, presented by Mr. Stnible of Iowa, attracted much 
attention, and aroused great indignation in New Mexico, on ac- 
count of its violent opposition to our admission to statehood, and 
the bitter attack on the territory and its people. 

The subject was discussed at length, both in and out of Con- 
gress, and the result was the elimination of New Mexico and the 
admission of the two Dakotas, of Washington, and Montana. 

On the 6th day of January, 1890, Mr. Springer, of Illinois, 
introduced a bill ' ' To enable the people of Arizona, Idaho, New 
j\Iexico, and Wyoming, to form constitutions and State govern- 
ments and to be admitted into the Union," etc. 

In this case, again, the southwest was neglected and the north- 
west was favored ; for before the passage of the bill Arizona and 
New Mexico, though by far the oldest of the four territories 
named, and New Mexico being also the most populous, were 
eliminated from it. They were thus left in the territorial condi- 
tion, while Idaho and Wyoming, with a combined population less 
than that of New Mexico alone, were admitted. 

In the 52d Congress (1891-3), INIr. Joseph aaain introduced an 



234 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

enabling act, known as House Bill 7136. He succeeded in secur- 
ing a favorable report from the committee on territories, and by- 
courtesy was appointed to make the report liimself, which he did 
on March 16, 1892. The bill passed the House on June 6th and 
reached the senate June 8, 1892, but had the usual fate of failing 
to pass that body. 

In the 53d Congress, Hon. Antonio Joseph was again a delegate 
from New Mexico, and introduced a statehood bill at the earliest 
possible opportunity of the first session. This bill passed the 
House on the 28th of June, 1894, and in the senate was referred 
to the committee on territories. As usual, the session proved too 
short for action on the bill, so it suffered the fate of its prede- 
cessors. 

Constitution of 1890 

While Congress was discussing one of these numerous bills, 
without result, the people of New Mexico determined to take the 
matter into their own hands and initiate the necessary proceed- 
ings for admission to the Union. 

In February, 1889, Hon. George W. Prichard introduced in 
the Council "An Act to Provide for a Constitutional Convention 
and the Formation of a State Constitution." The bill provided 
for a delegate convention to be held in September, 1889, for the 
purpose of framing a constitution. The convention was to be 
composed of 73 delegates, who were apportioned by the bill 
among the various counties, and were to be chosen at an election 
on the first Tuesday in August. It was to frame a constitution 
and pro\'ide for a special election at which such constitution 
should be submitted to the people for ratification. This bill was 
passed by both houses, but the governor failed to approve it, as he 
considered the apportionment objectionable ; but he did not veto 
it, and it became a law by limitation, February 28, 1889. 

The democrats, as a rule, under peremptory orders from Mr. 
Childers, chairman of their committee, refused to nominate can- 
didates or participate in the election. A very few men of suffi- 
cient influence or independence to disregard the commands of 
the party leaders united with the republicans in the campaign, 



STRUGGLE FOR STATEHOOD 235 

Hon. L. S. Trimble, long a member of Congress from Kentucky, 
being the most conspicuous example. 

It met on September 3, 1889, elected J. Francisco Chaves as 
president, and continued in session till September 21. The con- 
stitution was then printed in both English and Spanish and 
circulated widely throughout the territory. 

After an adjournment of nearly an entire year the convention 
re-assembled on August 18, 1890, and provided for the submission 
of the constitution to a vote of the people on October 7, 1890. 
At the election the constitution was defeated by a vote of 16,180 
to 7,493. 

This adverse vote had no effect on the efforts of the people for 
self-government, and all parties proceeded as before in endeavor- 
ing to secure admission through an enabling act of Congress. 

Congressional Action Again 

In the 54th Congress (1895), Mr. Joseph was succeeded by 
Hon. Thomas B. Catron. He had always been an active friend of 
statehood and lost no time in introducing an enabling act. 

The history of the struggle during the next ten years presents 
a succession of attempts, regularly begun at the opening of each 
new Congress, carried on with more or less vigor, with apparent 
excellent prospects of success, usually resulting in the passage of 
the bill by the house of representatives and its reference in the 
senate to the committee on territories. Sometimes there would be 
public hearings by a committee ; usually the delegate would make 
at least one speech, begging for tardy justice to his people, and 
then at some stage of the procedure, either in the House or in the 
senate, either in committee or on the floor, a snag was encoun- 
tered, and the bill died at the end of the session because it could 
not overcome the obstacle in time. 

Mr. Catron was succeeded as delegate by Hon. H. B. Fergus- 
son in the 55th Congress, and he, by Hon. Pedro Perea in the 56th, 

Hon. Bernard S. Rodey was delegate from New Mexico in both 
the 57th and 58th Congresses, which extended from 1901 to 1905. 

To say that he was devoted to the cause of statehood is to state 



236 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

the case mildly. He was enthusiastically devoted to it. He set 
before himself as the one great object to be attained during his 
congressional service, the passage of an enabling act for New 
Mexico. Everything else was subordinated to it, in order that 
this particular matter could have undivided attention. But 
even his enthusiasm could not produce the desired effect ; and the 
sessions were barren of result. 

In 1905, Hon. W. H. Andrews became delegate from New 
Mexico, and took up the work of the struggle where it had been 
left by his predecessor. Mr. Andrews w^as no less anxious for 
statehood than Mr. Rodey; but his method of operation was en- 
tirely different. He was never known to make a regular 
"speech," except of the shortest description; but as a quiet and 
convincing conversationalist he had few equals. His close con- 
nection with Senators Quay and Penrose and the Pennsylvania 
delegation gave him an influence that was very valuable, and 
which was constantly used to advance the cause of New Mexican 
statehood. 

The question of forming one state by uniting New Mexico and 
Arizona, became prominent at this time, the bill which elicited 
most debate being an enabling act for Oklahoma and the Indian 
Territory as one state, and for New Mexico and Arizona as one 
state. 

Joint Statehood Movement of 1906 

The idea of joint statehood for New Mexico and Arizona was 
distasteful in both territories. There was good reason for this. 
Nature itself had separated them by placing the great Continen- 
tal Divide as a practical barrier between them. It seemed im- 
possible for the eastern mind to grasp this elemental fact. The 
average eastern congressman, knowing that each territory was 
anxious for statehood, and really unfavorable to an increase of 
western states, looked at the map, saw two squares contiguous 
to each other, and instantly found a satisfactory solution of the 
difficulty by saying : "Why not join them together and make one 
oblong of them ? ' ' The opponents of western influence saw in this 
an easy method to reduce the danger of too many senators; and 



STRUGGLE FOR STATEHOOD 237 

to the ignorant and unthinking it seemed a simple and natural 
arrangement, and so the "joint statehood" bill was passed by 
Congress, 

What made the plan even more unpalatable to New Mexicans 
was the proposition to call the new state "Arizona." This 
showed as great an ignorance of history as the proposed union 
did of geography. 

But the joint statehood bill having been passed, tlie practical 
question was, what to do about it. The national administration 
in Washington was fully committed to this i)lan of admission. 
The territories were practically threatened by the dominant 
powers at the national capital that if this plan for admission was 
rejected by the people, it would be long before any new oppor- 
tunity for statehood could be obtained. In the minds of most 
New Mexicans it was a choice between two evils, and the intense 
desire to escape from the demoralizing conditions almost insep- 
arable from the provincial system, and to enjoy the American 
right of self-government, prevailed with a great number of 
citizens. 

The tw^o political organizations in New Mexico, usually too 
antagonistic to work harmoniously in any cause, through their 
territorial committees united in an appeal to the people to vote 
"aye" at the election, for joint statehood. 

It is probable that the almost universal belief that Arizona 
would vote against jointure, and that consequently New Mexico 
could show her desire for statehood without danger, and place 
herself in a favorable position for future action in Washington, 
had influence with some. At all events, the majority in favor of 
admission under the joint statehood act, at the election of 1906 
in New Mexico, was a very substantial one, the vote being nearly 
two to one in the territory and as high as ten to one in certain 
counties. It was officially announced as follows: 

Yes 26,195 

No 14,735 

Majority for Joint Statehood 11,460 

Arizona voted "no" on the joint statehood proposition, by an 



238 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

overwhelming vote, as had been expected ; and that negative vote 
ended all further proceedings under the joint statehood act. 

Proposed Convention of 1907 

With careful foresight preliminary measures had been taken in 
advance of the election to take advantage of exactly the situa- 
tion which actually did occur, by arranging that in ease Arizona 
declined the proffered partnership, but New Mexico voted for 
statehood, the New Mexican delegates should meet and formulate 
a constitution for that state alone and present it in Washington 
with a request for admission under it. 

The advantages of this course were obvious to everyone in- 
formed as to the history of the admission of territories. A con- 
siderable number of the delegates, representing all sections of the 
territory, met at the capitol in Santa Fe on January 7, 1907, and 
organized by the election of L. B. Prince, of Eio Arriba county, 
as president, and David M. White, of Santa Fe, as secretary. 
Letters were received from a large number of absent delegates 
stating that they would attend as soon as active business was 
commenced. Letters were also read from a number of leading 
United States senators expressing great interest in the work of 
the convention and urging the early formation and j^resentation 
of a constitution. After a full discussion of the situation, it was 
resolved to adjourn to February 5, when the legislature would 
be in session. 

At the February meeting, a large number of delegates who 
could not attend in January were present. All recognized the 
importance of framing a constitution as soon as practicable, in 
order to secure early congressional action, but there was con- 
siderable discussion as to the necessary expenses of the conven- 
tion. Mr. Catron moved that a committee of seven be appointed 
to prepare a bill for the legislature, looking to a meeting of the 
convention in August, and to confer with members of that body 
relative to its provisions and passage. 

For reasons difficult to understand, no further action was taken. 
The legislature was a very busy one and largely occupied by 





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240 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

political contentions, and gave the subject scant attention. After 
the legislature had failed to act, the governor was asked to name a 
time for the assembling of the delegates, in order to give the con- 
vention his official sanction, but this also failed. 

Thus again the opportunity for almost immediate admission 
was lost. Every one has since realized that if the delegates had 
gone on with their work and prepared a constitution, and the 
matter could thus have been presented to Congress in the succeed- 
ing winter, free from uncertainty as to the character of the gov- 
ernment which would be established, New Mexico would have be- 
come a state in 1908. 

Success 

When the 61st Congress met, in December, 1909, Mr. Andrews 
again represented New Mexico, having been re-elected mainly on 
the statehood issue. He pursued the course of wisdom by co- 
operating with tlie House committee on territories, with the result 
that on January 17, 1910, the so-called Hamilton Bill — H. R. 
18166 — was passed by the house of representatives without oppo- 
sition. It was received in the senate the next day and referred 
to the committee on territories. 

It was well known that Senator Beveridge had in mind a num- 
ber of provisions varying from those in the Hamilton bill, but 
thanks to strong influences outside of Congress, pre-eminent 
among wliich was that of President Taft, there was now little 
outspoken opposition to statehood for either New Mexico or 
Arizona. 

The only division was as to preference for the senate or the 
house bill. The vote on this question was hy strict party lines, 
the republicans voting for the senate bill and the democrats for 
the House bill, the result being 42 to 19 in favor of the former. 
On the final vote on the passage of the bill, the vote was unani- 
mous ! 

Shortly after two o'clock on the afternoon of Saturday, June 
18, Speaker Cannon laid the bill as amended in the senate before 
the House. There was a moment of suppressed excitement, and 
then i\Ir. Lloyd, of Missouri, the senior democratic member of 




PENS WHICH SIGNED ENABLING ACT 



242 HIS^rORY OF NEW MEXICO 

the committee, rose and said that while he was not entirely satis- 
fied with the senate bill, yet in order to insure immediate state- 
hood for the territories he would not oppose it. Instantly Mr. 
Hamilton, the committee chairman, moved to concur in the senate 
amendments. The question was put, viva voce, there being no 
demand for a roll call, and the House concurred by unanimous 
vote! 

The deed was done ! The long conflict of sixty years was over ! 
Members crowded around Delegate Andrews to offer congratu- 
lations. 

At Last 

That was on Saturday. 

The President had signified his desire to affix the signature 
which would give legal vitality to the bill and transform it into 
a law before leaving "Washington on Monday, so all the preceding 
formalities were hastened. 

On Monday morning, notwithstanding its length, the statehood 
bill was properly enrolled and ready for the official signatures. 

From the capitol it was quickly conveyed to the White House, 
where the President was ready to act. Here were assembled 
several of those who had been most active in achieving its suc- 
cess, with such representatives of the two territories as were in 
the nation:al capital. 

The President said a few words of congratulation, and then 
proposed to affix his official signature. The postmaster general 
presented a gold pen with the request that it should be used, and 
Delegate Andrews produced the unique gold-banded quill taken 
from the great American eagle captured in Taos, and furnished 
for the occasion, in its beautiful case, as a patriotic service 
by George B. Paxton, when he had no thought that Death Avould 
forbid his presence at the ceremony. The President wrote half 
of the signature with the former and the remainder with the lat- 
ter, returning the pens to the donors as mementoes of this great 
historic occasion. 

The White House clock stood at 1 :40 p. m. 

That signature ended the drama of the "Struggle for State- 



STRUGGLE FOR STATEHOOD 243 

hood." There had been more than fifty statehood bills in the 
sixty years of effort. Those few penstrokes transformed a State- 
hood Bill into a Statehood Law. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

Churches — Schools — Newspapers 

In order to take a comprehensive view of certain subjects, it 
seems necessary to group together the facts connected with them 
rather than to scatter them in the general narrative as they oc- 
curred chronologically; and this is particularly true of such 
distinct topics as those of Churches, Schools, and Newspapers. 
With a view, therefore, to convenience of reference, and a con- 
nected consideration of each subject separately, the leading facts 
regarding these three topics are thus brought together in this 
chapter. 

Churches 

The introduction of Christianity into New Mexico, by the ef- 
forts of the Franciscan friars, has been referred to many times 
in the general historical narrative, because it is so closely inter- 
woven with other events that it could not easily be separated. 

Thus we have heard of the friars Juan de Padilla and Luis de 
Escalona, who insisted on remaining as missionaries among the 
northern Indians when Coronado's army returned to Mexico in 
1542, and who soon received the crown of martyrdom which was 
the certain result of their determination. 

We also know the touching history of Friar Agustin Rodriguez 
or Ruiz, who begged the privilege of entering this field of mis- 
sionary effort, and finally succeeded in reaching New Mexico 
with his companions, Friars Francisco Lopez and Juan de Santa 
Maria, with a small escort of soldiers, in 1580. Here they set- 
tled at Puara, no doubt the Tihuex of Coronado, as the center of 
operations ; and when the soldiers of the king insisted on return- 
ing to the south, these Soldiers of the Cross refused to leave the 



CHURCHES — SCHOOLS — NEWSPAPERS 245 

land where there were so many heathen to be converted; and so, 
in turn, each sealed his testimony with his blood. 

We have read of the zeal of the Franciscans who accompanied 
Onate in the colonization of the territory, and of the immediate 
building of the first church in New Mexico, at San Gabriel, and 
its dedication on August 8, 1598, with elaborate ceremonies to 
impress the minds of the native Indians. There were then ten 
Franciscans with the expedition and they were promptly as- 
signed to the important pueblos, and the era of church building 
commenced. 

When Oiiate went on his celebrated expedition to Quivira, in 
1601, he was accompanied by Father Velasco and Father Ver- 
gara, leaving Father Escalona and four other Franciscans at San 
Gabriel. At this date began the complaints of the Franciscans 
against the tyranny, cruelty, and injustice of the governors, 
which continued almost without intermission, and no doubt not 
without good cause, through most of the administrations under 
the Spanish crown. 

About 1620 came Padre Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, the 
most successful of missionaries, who baptized no less than 6,566 
Indians during his eight years' residence at Jemez, and accord- 
ing to whom and to Benavides, 34.000 Indians had been baptized 
and 43 churches built before 1626. In 1621 the New Mexican 
missions were organized as the "Custodia of the Conversion of 
St. Paul, ' ' in exclusive charge of the Franciscans and with Bena- 
vides himself as the first custodio. 

Father Francisco de Ayeta was appointed custodio in 1674 
but returned to Mexico and was absent at the time of the revolu- 
tion of 1680. On August 10 of that year occurred the great up- 
rising of the Pueblos, and the most wholesale martyrdom of 
Franciscan missionaries that the world has ever seen. In a single 
day 21 were killed in various ways in the different pueblos where 
they were stationed. Lack of space does not permit giving the 
particulars; but the terrible event created such an interest all 
over the Christian world that a solemn funeral ceremony took 
place in the cathedral of the city of Mexico on the succeeding 



246 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

20th of March, when all the dignitaries of New Spain were pres- 
ent and a remarkable obituary sermon was preached by Dr. 
Ysidro Sariiiana y Cuenca. 

The whole history of the Franciscan missions in New Mexico 
is one of wonderful zeal, devotion, and self sacrifice. It would be 
difficult to imagine a greater example of self-abnegation than the 
practical exile from civilization and companionship involved in a 
residence in an isolated pueblo, absolutely cut olf from the world, 
ministering to a people with whose habits of life and thought 
there could be scarcely anything in common. No more forcible 
example of an unselfish missionarj'' spirit can be found in history 
than in the case of the Franciscans of New Mexico during the 
17th and 18tli centuries. 

The majestic iniins of the great mission churches at Pecos, Abo, 
Cuara, and the so-called Gran Quivira, and a host of others, bear 
witness to the labors of the zealous Soldiers of the Cross ; while the 
existing churches in the towns of the Rio Grande valley, and at 
Acoma, Laguna, and other pueblos, are an additional evidence of 
the zeal and success of the Christian temple-builders of those 
days. 

During the Spanish and Mexican eras. New Mexico was in- 
cluded in the Roman Catholic diocese of Durango, and eccle- 
siastically subject to its bishops. Episcopal visitations, however, 
were few and far between. Bishop Crespo came in 1725 but did 
not reach Santa Fe; and again in 1730 made a more extended 
tour, but in some places was not allowed to hold confirmations, as 
the Franciscans disclaimed his authority. A protracted contro- 
versy ensued as to this between the bishop and the Franciscan 
authorities in ^Mexico. There were also long continued contro- 
versies between the Franciscans and the Jesuits as to the eccle- 
siastical control of Moqui. 

Just one episcopal visitation was made by Bisliop Elizacochea, 
of Durango, and in 1760 Bisliop Tamaron made a visitation dur- 
ing which he is said to have confirmed 2,973 persons in El Paso, 
and 11,371 in New Mexico. Then for a long time New Mexico 
seems to have been forgotten by the ecclesiastical authorities, so 



CHURCHES — SCHOOLS — NEWSPAPERS 247 

that Pedro Bautista Pino, when a member of the Spanish Cortes 
in 1812, said that he had never seen a bishop in his life until he 
came to Spain. 

With the Mexican revolution came the withdrawal of the 
Franciscans and the substitution of secular priests; and these 
latter were largely recruited from the leading families of New 
Mexico itself. In numbers the clergy were greatly reduced, there 
being, in 1823, but five Franciscans and six secular priests in the 
territory. Bishop Zubiria visited New Mexico in 1833, spending 
several months in the territory and making a special journey to 
Abiquiu in July. He came again in 1837, and once more in 1850, 
after the American occupation. 

For a long time before that date, Rev. Juan Felipe Ortiz had 
been vicar general in charge of New Mexico, and he was left in 
control by Bishop Zubiria in 1850 ; but the change in sovereignty 
naturally caused a change in ecclesiastical relations, and the Pope 
erected New Mexico into a separate vicarate, ^^dth Rev. John B. 
Lamy as apostolic vicar, he being consecrated as a bishop in 
partihus for that purpose, at Cincinnati, on November 24, 1850. 
Owing to the long delays of travel, he did not arrive in Santa Fe 
until July, 1851. Neither the vicar general nor any of the clergy 
had been informed of his appointment, and they still held al- 
legiance to the bishop of Durango ; but this difficulty was soon set 
at rest, and all accepted the new authority. 

In 1852 Bishop Lamy was formally given the title of Bishop 
of Santa Fe. He found in his new jurisdiction only ten priests, 
and their names show them all to have been of New Mexican 
families. Those names are Ortiz, Gallegos, Leiva, Lucero, Lujan, 
Martinez, Montaiio, Salazar, and Trujillo. Between such a Mexi- 
can priesthood with the habits and customs that had existed for a 
long period and a young and earnest bishop of French birth and 
ideas, not much harmony could be expected. There was friction 
from the beginning. One by one the old priests were removed 
and their places filled by French clergy whom the bishop secured 
by a personal visit in 1853. These latter were earnest young 
men, thoroughly devoted to the bishop, and the most of whom 



248 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

spent their lives in New ]\Iexico in zealous parochial labors, and 
left behind them a good report of influence exerted and work ac- 
complished. Of the deposed Mexican clergy, two became im- 
portant political factors in the territory, Padre Martinez of 
Taos, and Padre Gallegos of Albuquerque ; the former also con- 
tinued to exercise his priestly functions in a chapel at Taos, until 
his death, and was followed and supported by a large and im- 
portant portion of his old parishioners. 

From the time of the organization of the vicarate and subse- 
quent diocese, there has been steady progress. 

In February, 1875, Santa Fe was made an arch-diocese with 
Bishop Lamy as archbishop ; Colorado and Arizona being within 
the enlarged jurisdiction. 

On February 19, 1885, Bishop Salpointe, of Tucson, became co- 
adjutor to Archbishop Lamy, and succeeded him as archbishop 
on his resignation, on October 11 of that year. 

In August, 1891, Rev. Placido L. Chapelle, of Washington, was 
consecrated as bishop and appointed as co-ad jutor to Archbishop 
Salpointe, and on the resignation of the latter became archbishop 
of Santa Fe, January 9, 1894. He was subse(]uently promoted 
to be archbishop of New Orleans. 

To the great joy of the old French clergy of New Mexico, 
Bishop Bourgade, who was one of the priests brought out by 
Bishop Lamy in 1869, was selected to succeed Archbishop 
Chapelle, and became archbishop, January 7, 1899. 

The Rev. J. B. Pitaval, of Colorado, was consecrated bishop 
and made assistant to Archbishop Bourgade, July 25, 1902 ; and 
succeeded the latter, after his death on January 3, 1909. All the 
occupants of tlie archi-episcopal chair of Santa Fe have been men 
of high character and ability, and the affairs of the Roman 
Catholic church in New Mexico have been well cared for and 
successfully conducted under their wise administration. 



Down to the time of the American occupation, the Roman 
Catholic was the only form of Christianity known in New INIexico, 



CHURCHES — SCHOOLS — NEWSPAPERS 249 

and indeed there was little else until the coming of the railroad, 
in 1879; for the so-called '•Americans" that came into the coun- 
try before that time were not of a class that usually cares much 
about religious organizations of any Icind. 

The first Protestant clergyman to hold services in New Mexico 
was Rev. Henry W. Reed, who officiated in Santa Pe, in July, 
1849, and also conducted a school in that city. He erected a 
modest adobe church, which was the first Protestant place of 
worship, and was dedicated January 15, 1854. As the mission 
did not prove a success, the property was sold to the Presby- 
terians in 1866. In 1852 Rev. Samuel Gorman came as a mis- 
sionary to the pueblo of Laguna and was formally adopted as a 
member of the pueblo, and was its governor at the time of his 
death in 1861. Years afterwards, the work at that pueblo was 
renewed by Rev. John Menaul, a Presbyterian clergyman, who 
established a school and preached regularly there for many years. 
He learned the language of the Indians sufficiently well to use 
it in his services. He opened a printing office, in which he did 
the work himself, and published several pamphlets in the lan- 
guage of the Laguna Indians, all of which are now very rare. 
Since the immigration from the East the Baptists liave established 
congregations in many places, and now have 28 churches valued 
at $67,300.00. 

The ^Methodists were the next in the field. In December, 1850, 
they sent Rev. E. G. Nicholson to Santa Fe, where he conducted 
serAdces for about two years, but found the field so discouraging 
that the work was abandoned. Other attempts met a similar fate 
until Rev. Thomas Harwood arrived in 1871 and settled at La 
Junta, now called Watrous. His energy and persistence over- 
came all obstacles and the results of his long continued labors 
are now to be seen in missions and schools in all sections of the 
state. For a long period he was at the head of the Spanish work 
of the Methodist church in New Mexico, and after forty years of 
constant service he is still actively engaged in his official labors. 
The Methodist Episcopal church has now 51 churches in New 
Mexico, valued at $125,000.00; and the Southern Methodists, who 



250 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

entered the territory much later, liave 25 churches with an esti- 
mated value of $70,000.00. 

The Rev. W. T. Kephardt was the first Presbyterian mission- 
ary, and he entered upon his duties in the same year, 1851, also 
at Santa Fe. In fact, in the beginning, all missionary work was 
there. Mr. Kephardt failed to make any impression, and soon 
devoted himself to editorial work of anti-slavery character on 
the Santa Fe Gazette. The mission work, however, was not 
abandoned ; in 1866 the Baptist property at Santa Fe was pur- 
chased at considerable expense, and after the coming of the rail- 
road a very creditable church was erected in place of tlie old 
adobe structure. The Presbyterians have been very active and 
constant in their w^ork, both with the Americans and Mexicans ; 
and with schools as well as churches. They now have 44 church 
edifices, which are valued at over $100,000, besides their educa- 
tional institutions. 

On July 5, 1863, and the succeeding Sunday, the first services 
of the Episcopal church were held in Santa Fe, by the Right 
Rev. Joseph C. Talbot, then Missionary Bishop of the Northwest, 
assisted by Rev. M. A. Rich, and Rev. A. H. De Mora, the ser- 
vices being both in English and Spanish. In 1868, Bishop Ran- 
dall, of Colorado, temporarily in charge of New Mexico, made a 
visitation and officiated, but there was not yet a resident clergy- 
man. 

In 1874 the General Convention of the Church organized New 
Mexico and Arizona into a missionary district and elected Rev. 
Wm. F. Adams, of New Orleans, as bishop. Dr. Adams was con- 
secrated in New Orleans on January 17, 1875, by the bishops of 
Mississippi. Louisiana, and Georgia. He proceeded to his new 
field without delay, arriving in Santa Fe in time for a service on 
February 7, and bringing with him Rev. Henry Forrester. 
Bishop Adams resigned in 1877, and left Mr. Forrester as the 
only Episcopal clergyman in New Mexico. He continued in 
charge in Santa Fe until the fall of 1879, when he moved to Las 
Vegas and succeeded in building the first Episcopal church in 
New Mexico — a very plain, adobe structure, still standing. In 



CHURCHES — SCHOOLS — NEWSPAPERS 251 

1880 the district was regularly organized by holding the first 
convocation in Albuquerque, where resolutions were passed 
asking for the immediate election of a new bishop. Bishop Spald- 
ing, of Colorado, presided. 

At the General Convention, held in the ensuing October, Rev. 
George K. Dunlop, of Missouri, was elected bishop, and was con- 
secrated in November, 1880. During his episcopate, stone 
churches were built at Santa Fe, Albuquerque, and Las Vegas, 
a number of other points were occupied and the affairs of the 
Church prospered. He died in March, 1888, and was succeeded 
by Right Rev. J. Mills Kendrick, of Ohio, who was consecrated 
January 18, 1889, and died in the summer of 1911. In 1892 New 
Mexico became a district by itself, and at the General Convention 
of 1910 Bishop Kendrick was relieved of the care of Arizona so 
as to devote his entire attention to New Mexico. The growth 
of the Church, though not rapid, has been substantial. The num- 
ber of churches is 14, valued at $66,750. 

The Congregationalists were prominent in New Mexico at the 
time when the New West Commission was conducting the acade- 
mies at Santa Fe, Las Vegas, Albuquerque, etc., and the Uni- 
versity at Santa Fe was actively engaged in educational work. 
In 1881 and 1882 churches were built in Santa Fe and Albu- 
querque. At the present time they have four churches, valued at 
$20,000. 

Various other Christian bodies, as well as the Jews, whose first 
temple was erected in 1885, are now represented in the state. 
All religious organizations are prosperous and doing good work. 
The following table shows the number of congregations and mem- 
bers belonging to each religious body according to the latest 
statistics : 

Congregations Members 

Adventist 6 218 

Baptists 

Plymouth Brethren 
Christadelphian 
Congregational 



62 


2,403 


1 


6 


1 


10 


5 


270 



252 



HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 



Christian or Disciples 

Episcopal 

Independent 

Jewish 

Mormon 

Lutheran 

Methodist, North 

Methodist, South 

Methodist, Colored 

Presbyterian 

Reformed 

Roman Catholic 

Salvationists 



16 


1,092 


18 


867 


1 


30 


3 


120 


6 


738 


3 


100 


62 


3,513 


48 


2,882 


5 


165 


54 


2,935 


2 


70 


30 


121,558 


2 


30 



Schools 



Although there had been some royal decrees on the subject, j'-et 
it was not until the establishment of Mexican independence that 
any practical movement was made looking toward the general 
education of the people ; but under the new sj^stem of self-govern- 
ment this important subject immediately attracted attention. As 
early as April 27, 1822, the provincial deputation passed the fol- 
lowing resolution: "RESOLVED, that the town councils [ayun- 
tamientos] be officially notified to complete the formation of pri- 
mary public schools as soon as possible according to the circum- 
stances of each community." Unfortunately, the good intentions 
evinced by this resolution had very little practical result in New 
Mexico, owing to the circumstances of the country, and for a long 
period none but those who were able to afford private instruction 
received any education worthy of the name. The sons of the 
wealthy in many cases were sent to Durango and even as far as 
the city of Mexico on the south, while others went eastward, to 
St. Louis, Montreal, and even New York for their advanced edu- 
cation ; but their numbers of course were very limited. 



CHURCHES — SCHOOLS — NEWSPxiPERS 253 

There were a few private schools, carried on from time to time 
by individual teachers, but without any organization or continu- 
ity. One of the first of these was that of Geronimo Becerra at 
Abiquiu, about the year 1800, at which the future Padre Mar- 
tinez and a number of other boys of the northern district received 
the rudiments of education. The best known of all of these 
schools was that carried on for many years in Taos by the same 
Padre Martinez himself. This celebrated priest was an enthu- 
siast on the subject of education, and the result of his teaching 
influenced an entire generation in the north of the territory. He 
printed, on a small press which had been brought from Mexico 
to Santa Fe, and which he carried to Taos, the first books that 
were ever published in the territory, being elementary books of 
instruction to be used by his students. He also published the first 
newspaper in New Mexico, which is referred to elsewhere. 

At nearly the same time the Rev. Agustin Fernandez had a 
similar school in Santa Fe. One Rafael Pacheco taught boys, 
about the year 1840, in his house near the present St. Michael's 
college. Soon after this ]\Iauricio Arce had a boys' school on San 
Francisco street, and JNIaraquita Arce, his wife, taught both boys 
and girls on lower Palace avenue. During the few years before 
the coming of Governor Martinez from Mexico, in 1844, there was 
at least a semblance of a public school, with Serafin Ramirez, Vi- 
cente Trancosa, and Nicolas Quintana teaching at various times ; 
but the funds for the purpose were scanty and x'l'^^carious. 

Governor Martinez, full of energy, brought two new teachers, 
Edward Papy, an P]nglishman, from the "States," and Francisco 
Gonzales, from Mexico, which gave quite an impetus to educa- 
tional matters for a short time. But the result or lack of result 
of all the efforts made, only led to the condition of matters so 
graphically described by Governor Vigil in his message to the first 
New Mexico legislature, in 1847. He says: "There is at present 
but one public school in the Territory, that located in the city of 
Santa Fe, and supported by funds of the county, which are in- 
sufficient to employ more than one teacher. ' ' 

The United States government did nothing whatever to improve 
conditions as it has since done in Porto Rico and the Philippines, 



25-t HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

and educational matters dragged miserably for years, at least so 
far as public education went. 

The first English school in Santa Fe was opened on August 
28, 1848, by J. W. Dunn, whose advertisement appears in the 
Santa Fe Republican as "Classical and High School." In July, 
1849, Rev. Henry W. Reed, a Baptist missionary, tried a similar 
experiment, in which Mrs. Reed assisted, and both boys and girls 
were received. Soon after the arrival of Bishop Lamy, in the 
fall of 1851, a Frenchman named Noel opened a school, under the 
patronage of the bishop, in the house south of the church of St. 
Francis. The first English school, exclusively for girls, was estab- 
lished in 1852 by Mrs. Howe, the wife of an army officer, and 
this attracted the attendance of the daughters of some of the 
most prominent families in the territory, including the Pereas 
and the Chaveses. 

Almost at the same time. Bishop Lamy succeeded in establish- 
ing an educational institution for girls in the same city. From 
the time of his arrival in the territory this had been his ardent 
desire, but it was only after much difficulty that he succeeded in 
inducing the Sisters of Loretto to send a sufficient number of 
their order to New Mexico to establish the institution. On June 
27, 1852, six of the sisters left their home in Kentuclrv' and pro- 
ceeded on the long journey across the plains for this purpose. 
On the route they became victims of attacks from cholera, which 
was then raging throughout the country, and Mother Matilda, 
the Superior, died on the steamboat "Kansas," on which they 
were ascending the Missouri river to Independence. Another of 
the sisters was forced to return, but four of them succeeded in 
arriving at Santa Fe on the 26th of September, and opened their 
school on New Year's Day, 1853, under the title of the Convent 
of Our Lady of Light, with ten boarders and three day scholars. 
From this humble beginning their educational influence on the 
girls of New Mexico has extended as the years have passed. In 
1863, three sisters founded a school at Taos. A year later, they 
opened establishments in Mora and in Denver, and continued to 
extend the number of their institutions by going to Las Vegas in 



CHURCHES — SCHOOLS — NEWSPAPERS 255 

1869, Las Graces in 1870, Bernalillo in 1875, and more recently 
at other points. 

In order to secure equal facilities for the boys of New Mexico, 
Bishop Lamy persuaded the Christian Brothers to come to the 
territory, where they opened St. Michael's college at Santa Fe 
in 1859, and besides affording an education at that central point 
to more than a generation of the youth of New Mexico, they ex- 
tended the sphere of their usefulness to Mora, Bernalillo, Las 
Vegas, Socorro, and other points. During almost all of this 
period they were under the charge of Brother Botulph, whose 
educational labor of love finds its reward in the good influence 
which he has exerted. In 1875, the Jesuits opened a college at 
Las Vegas, which was very successful until removed to Denver, 
and they have since added new fields for their educational ac- 
tivity at Watrous, Albuquerque, etc. 

The other religious bodies were not idle. In 1870, Rev. J. A. 
Annin, a Presbyterian clergyman, established a school at Las 
Vegas. This w^as the beginning of the Presbyterian educational 
work which has since become very extensive in New Mexico. 

In 1871, Rev. Thomas Harwood commenced his mission school 
at La Junta (Watrous), and for over forty years has been the 
head of the Methodist educational work in this part of the coun- 
try and has seen it increase to large proportions. 

In 1878, in view of the expected arrival of the railroad connect- 
ing New Mexico with the east, and the influx of eastern popula- 
tion, the attention of the New West Educational Commission 
was attracted to this territory, and on July 4, 1878, Santa Pe 
Academy was incorporated, to be carried on as a portion of their 
■work. A year later a similar academy was organized in Las 
Vegas, on July 14, and shortly thereafter the third was added at 
Albuciuerque. All of these did excellent educational work which 
only ceased when public educational institutions made its con- 
tinuance unnecessary. In 1881, the Educational Association of 
New Mexico was organized to continue and amplify the work done 
by the Santa Pe academy, and in the same year the University of 
New Mexico, at Santa Fe, was incorporated, to prosecute in an 



256 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

extended manner the work then carried on by the New West Com- 
mission, and AVhitin Hall at Santa Fe was erected at a cost of 
$15,000 as the center of its work. Other private and denomina- 
tional institutions added their educational facilities within the 
first few years after the coming of the railroad; but the public 
school system was still unimportant as an educational force. 

The people were unaccustomed to any direct tax for such pur- 
poses, and at best their means were small. 

The legislature, from time to time, passed acts intended to im- 
prove the situation, but without any actual result. When the 
question of establishing public schools to be supported by a gen- 
eral tax was first submitted to the people in 1855 the remarkable 
result was a vote of 37 in favor and 5,016 opposed! Really 
effective measures to put a modern public school system in opera- 
tion always met influential opposition. In 1876 such a bill passed 
the Council, but was defeated in the House by four majority. A 
similar measure was likewise defeated in 1878 and 1880. Even as 
late as 1889 the opponents of public schools succeeded in killing 
the "Kistler Bill." In connection with this long struggle for 
free public non-sectarian education, the services of Secretary 
William G. Ritch should never be forgotten. His indefatigable 
zeal and courage had much to do with the final success. 

It was not until the legislative session of 1891 that what may be 
called a comprehensive, modern, public school system was inau- 
gurated. Governor Prince made that subject the salient point 
in his biennial message to the legislature, with a powerful ap- 
peal for immediate action. On February 12 of that year, a law 
was passed "Establishing common schools in the Territory of 
New Mexico and creating the office of Superintendent of Public 
Instruction, ' ' which marked a new era in the educational history 
of the territory, so far as common schools were concerned. Dur- 
ing the two preceding years, three institutions of higher educa- 
tion had been established — the Territorial University at Albu- 
querque, the College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts at Mesilla 
Park near Las Cruces, and the School of Mines at Socorro. For 
each of these substantial buildings were erected, ;ind although 



CHURCHES — SCHOOLS — NEAVSPAPEES 257 

their first years were necessarily "a day of small things/' yet the 
foundations were well laid and they have constantly increased 
in educational character and practical usefulness as time has 
passed. 

The act of 1891 pro\dded for a territorial Board of Education, 
which included the governor and the presidents of some of the 
higher institutions, and for a superintendent of public instruc- 
tion, with powers which gave him the actual oversight of all the 
public schools in the territory, to be appointed by the governor. 
The wise appointment of Amado Chaves to that position smoothed 
the way for the successful introduction of the new system and 
secured its favorable reception. From that time until now, edu- 
cational matters in New Mexico have progressed with great 
rapidity, the number of public schools, which was about 500 in 
1891, having doubled and reached the full figure of ] ,000 in 1912. 
The percentage of illiteracy which has been used in the east and 
in congressional debates, as a reproach to New Mexico, has been 
rapidly reduced, showing a ratio of improvement unprecedented 
in its extent. Sixty thousand scholars are enrolled and 40,000 
in actual attendance. The number of teachers, which was but 
552 in 1891, has increased to 1,548; the great gain being in the 
number of women, which in the 21 years has risen from 179 to 
1,043. The value of public school property is almost a million 
dollars; that of the state institutions over a million; of private 
schools about $400.000 ; and of the Indian schools over $400,000. 

In 1891, the Goss Military Institute at Roswell was given an 
official character and afterwards became a regular territorial 
institution. The first normal school of any kind in New Mexico 
was held in 1891 in Las Vegas, on a call made by the county 
superintendent asking the teachers of San Miguel county to meet 
for mutual improvement and instruction. It commenced as a 
teachers' institute, but was continued for almost a month, from 
June 22 to July 17, as a normal school, with very encouraging 
success; and, from this arose, almost immediately after, the es- 
tablishment by the legislature of two territorial normal institu- 
tions, one at Las Vegas and one at Silver City. In 1909 the 



258 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Spanish-American Normal School was estahlished at El Rito, 
for the important purpose of preparing native New Mexican 
teachers for the great number of rural schools in the state. In 
recent years, the educational work has progressed very rapidly, 
not only in the way of general and public instruction, but 
through a multitude of denominational and private schools which 
are to be found in all parts of New Mexico. 

Meanwhile, the education of the Indians has not been neglected, 
and is still one of the most conspicuous features of the school 
work in the state. The University at Santa Fe took up this 
work in 1886 and established for that specific purpose an institu- 
tion known as the Ramona School in memory of Helen Hunt 
Jackson. This was successfully carried on for a number of years, 
until 1894, when private efforts were superseded by the govern- 
ment Indian schools, established at Santa Fe and Albuquerque. 
These institutions have increased in their capacity and improved 
by experience in their methods, year by year, and the instruction 
given to the pupils both in the ordinary branches and in indus- 
trial education has reached a very high grade. There are also 
local government and denominational schools for the Indians at 
a number of points in the state. 



Newspapers 



The first printing press is ^aid to have been brought from 
Mexico in the year 1834, and the Abreu family is credited with 
that piece of enterprise. 

One of the first specimens of printing executed in New Mexico 
was the proclamation of Governor Perez, greeting his fellow 
citizens. This is dated June 26, 1835, thirty-four days after his 
arrival, and at the bottom is the publication note "Imprenta de 



260 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

Ramon Abreu, a cargo de Jesus Maria Baca" (Printing office of 
Ramon Abreu in charge of Jesus Maria Baca). Mr. Baca ap- 
pears to have followed the fortunes of that press for many years. 
He was with it in Taos, and returned to Santa Fe when the press 
was restored to the capital. 

The manifesto of Governor Martinez in 1844 is inscribed ' ' Im- 
prenta particular a cargo of J. M. B." (Private printing office in 
charge of J. M. B.). 

The first newspaper printed in New Mexico was El Crepusciilo 
(The Dawn), which was published by Padre IMartinez in Taos, 
conmiencing November 29, 1835. It was the size of foolscap 
paper, and but four numbers were issued, as it failed to pay ex- 
penses. Padre Martinez printed a number of small books of in- 
struction while the press remained in Taos. 

The first paper published in Santa Fe was La Verdad, shortly 
after 1840. It was the official organ, and the matter contained in 
it was mainly of an official character. It was finally discontinued 
about 1843. 

On June 28, 1845, as a successor to La Verdad, appeared El 
Payo de Nuevo Mejieo. The printing office was now an official 
affair, as the inscription on it is " Imprenta del Gobierno a cargo 
deJ. M. B." 

The first newspaper wholly or partly in English 'vas the Santa 
Fe Repiihlican, which first appeared on September 4, 1847. It 
was a well printed four page weekly, two pages in English and 
two in Spanish. Hovey and Davies were the publishers, and 
G. R. Gibson the editor. The file belonging to the Historical 
Society begins with No. 5, October 9, 1847. In December, ]\Ir. 
Gibson ceased to be editor and thereafter the name of Oliver P. 
Hovey appears. 

In 1849, on December 1, the Neiv Mexican appeared at Santa 
Fe, published by Davies and Jones. The present New Mexican 
commenced publication January 22, 1863, Charles Leib being the 
founder. Within a year it was sold to Charles P. Clever and by 
him to W. H. Manderfield. In Maj, 1864, Mr. Manderfield 
formed a partnership with Thomas Tucker, and their firm con- 



CHURCHES — SCHOOLS — NEWSPAPERS 261 

tinned to publish the New Mexican until 1880, when it was sold 
to a company representing the A., T. & S. P. railroad, Charles W. 
Greene heing editor. Through a long career it has always re- 
tained a commanding position in New Mexican affairs, and par- 
ticularly under Colonel Frost was a political power. It became a 
daily in 1868. 

Among the early papers M^ere : 

The Mesilla News, issued in 1860. 

The Amigo del Pais and the Gaceta, in Santa Pe, in the early 
"fifties." 

El Democrata, at Santa Pe, by Miguel Pino, in 1859. 

The New Mexico Press, at Albuquerque, edited by Hezekiah 
S. Johnson, in 1863. 

The Elizabethtown Lantern in 1868. 

The Advertiser, at Las Vegas in 1870, by 0. V. Aoy, who sub- 
sequently had papers at Carbonateville and Red River. 

The Mail, at Las Vegas, also in 1870. (This subsequently be- 
came the Gazette under the Kooglers.) 

Mining Life, at Silver City in 1873. 

Eco del liio Granele, at I^as Cruces in 1874. 

With the coming of the railroad, newspapers sprang up like 
mushrooms, and many perished almost as rapidly. They did good 
work, however, in the development of the country. 

In 1850 there were but two newspapers in New Mexico, but 
they had the very substantial circulation of L150. In 1870 the 
number had increased to five, with a circulation of 1,525. In 
1880 there were eighteen, with a circulation of 6,355, and in 1885 
there were thirty-nine papers, of which eight were dailies, a 
larger number of the latter than a quarter of a century later. 

In those earlier days there were papers published in many 
places which have none now or are almost forgotten, as Bernalillo, 
Cimarron, INIesilla, Lake Valley, Georgetown, White Oaks, Tip- 
tonville. Golden, San Pedro, San Lorenzo, Mineral Hill, Cerrillos, 
Carbonateville, and Elizabethtown. 

To attempt a history of all the papers that have arisen within 
the last 25 years would be far beyond the scope of this work. 



262 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 

With the settlement of the eastern counties the number has great- 
ly increased, until, at the opening of statehood, New Mexico has 
a list of no less than 125 periodicals, of which about 100 are 
printed in English and 25 in Spanish. Corresponding with the 
increasing number, has been the general improvement in the 
papers as to size, typography, and the character of the literary 
work. New Mexico has no reason to fear a comparison with any 
of its neighbors as to the excellence and high character of its 
press. 



CHAPTER XXV 

United States Officials 

The following list of governors includes all those who were 
appointed to that position while New Mexico was a territory. In 
some similar lists the names of secretaries who have served as 
governor for a considerable period are included. But it seemed 
difficult to draw the line of selection. Under the Organic Act, the 
secretary becomes acting-governor the moment the governor 
leaves the territory. In accordance with this provision, every 
secretary has acted as governor, more or less; Secretaries Ritch, 
Arny, and Davis, probably longer than others. The only proper 
course, therefore, was to insert a full list of secretaries. 

The list of chief justices shows the heads of the judiciary of 
New Mexico, through the whole territorial period. 

A full list of delegates in Congress is also presented. 



Governors Under Military Appointment 

1846 August 19, Stephen W. Kearny. 

1846 September 22, Charles Bent (assassinated January 17, 
1847). 

1847 January 17, Donaciano Vigil, acting. 

1847 December 17, Donaciano Vigil. 

1848 October 11, J. M. Washington, Commandant of the Depart- 
ment. 

1849 John Munroe, Commandant of the Department. 



264 HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 

Civil Governors Under the Organic Act 

(March 3, 1851) 

1851 James S. Calhoun. 

1852 William Carr Lane. 

1853 David Meriwether. 
1857 Abraham Rencher. 
1861 Henry Connelly. 
1866 Robert B. Mitchell. 
1869 William A. Pile. 
1871 Marsh Giddings. 
1875 Samuel B. Axtell. 
1878 Lewis Wallace. 
1881 Lionel A. Sheldon. 
1885 Edmund G. Ross. 
1889 L. Bradford Prince. 
1893 William T. Thornton. 
1897 Miguel A. Otero. 

1906 Herbert J. Hagerman. 

1907 George Curry. 

1910 William J. Mills till Jan. 15, 1912. 



Secretaries 



1846 Donaciano Vigil (Appointed by General 
Kearny) . 

1848 Donaciano Vigil (Appointed by Col. Wash- 
ington). 

1851 Hugh N. Smith (not confirmed). 

1851 William S. Allen. 

1852 John Greiner. 

1853 William S. Messervy. 

1854 W. W. H. Davis. 



UNITED STATES OFFICIALS 265 

1857 A. M. Jackson. 
1861 Miguel A. Otero. 

1861 James H. Holmes. 

1862 W. F. M. Arny. 
1867 H. H. Heath. 

1871 Henry Wetter. 

1872 W. F. M. Arny. 

1873 William G. Ritch. 

1884 Samuel A. Losch. 

1885 George W. Lane. 
1889 B. M. Thomas. 

1892 Silas Alexander. 

1893 Lorion Miller. 
1897 George H. Wallace. 
1901 James W. Raynolds. 
1907 Nathan Jaffa to 1912. 



Chief Justices 



1846 Joab Houghton. 
1851 Grafton Baker. 
1853 J. J. Deavenport. 
1858 Kirby Benedict. 
1866 John P. Slough. 

1868 John S. Watts. 

1869 Joseph G. Palen. 
1876 Henry L. Waldo. 

1878 Charles IMeCandless. 

1879 L. Bradford Prince. 
1882 Samuel B. Axtell. 
1885 William A. Vincent. 
1885 Elisha V. Long. 
1889 James O'Brien. 



266 



HISTOEY OF NEW MEXICO 



1893 Thomas Smith. 
1898 William J. Mills. 
1910 William IT. Pope. 



Delegates in Congress 



Congress 


Date 


31st 


1849-51 


32d 


1851-53 


33d 


1853-55 


34th, 35th and 36th 


1855-61 


37th 


1861-63 


38th 


1863-65 


39th and -lOth 


1865-69 


41st 


1869-71 


Contested by J. F. 


Chaves, who 


42d 


1871-73 


43d and 44th 


1873-77 


45th 


1877-79 


46th 


1879-81 


47th 


1881-83 


48th 


1883-85 


49th to 53d 


1885-95 


54th 


1895-97 


55th 


1897-99 


56th 


1899-1901 


57th and 58th 


1901-05 


59th to 62d 


1905-12 



Name 
William S. Messervy. 
R. H. Weightman. 
Jose Manuel Gallegos. 
Miguel A. Otero. 
John S. Watts. 
Francisco Perea. 
J. Francisco Chaves. 
Charles P. Clever, 
was seated at end of session. 
Jose Manuel Gallegos. 
Stephen B. Elkins. 
Trinidad Romero. 
]\Iariano S. Otero. 
Tranquilino Luna. 
F. A. Manzanares. 
Antonio Joseph. 
Thomas B. Catron. 
H. B. Fergusson. 
Pedro Perea. 
Bernard S. Rodey. 
William H. Andrews. 



>t 



i''' 




JJcrtg-first Congress of t\t itniteb ^taies of America ; 

^t tbe S^etand J(ession, 

Bcfim and held at the City of Washington on Monday, the sixth day of IX'crniUt. one 
thousand nine hundred and nine. 



A-N A.CT 
To enable the people of New Mexico to fonn a constitution and ctatc 
gOTemment and be admitted into the Union on an equal footin)( with lli<> 
original States ; and to enable the people of Arizona to form a conslilutioii 
and state government and be admitted into the Union on an equal footing 
with the original States. 



Be it enacted bg the Senate and House oj R«pn$enlativet oj the Vnitnl 
States of America in Congress assembled. That the qualified electure of tliu 
Territory of New Mexico are hereby authorized to vote for and chootto delegates to 
form a coostitutional convention for said Torrit')ry for the purpose of framing 
a constitution for the proposed State of IfM^ Mexico. Baid convention nhall 
consist of one hundred delegates; and the governor, chief justice, and secretary 
of said Territory shall apportion the delegates to be thus selected, as nearly as 
may be, equitably among the several counties thereof in sooordaiice with the 
voting population, as shown by the vote cast at the election for Delegate in 
Congrees in said Territory in nineteen hundred and eight : Provided, That iu 
the event that any new counties shall have been added after said election, the 
apportiotmient for delegates shall be made ]iroportionate to the vote cast within 
the variooa piecinota contained in the area of such new counties so created, 
and the proportioDate number of delegates so apportioned shall bo deducted 
&om the origin*] oountios oat of whieh tueh counties shall liare iH-cn cn-at<-<l. 

The gitrwtiM of Mid Territory shall, within thirty da\-s after the approval 
of this Act, by proelaniation, in wbkh the aforeeaid apportionment of delegates 
to the eoavention shall be fully specified and aonounoed, order an election of 
0» MegatM eforeseid on a day deaignated by him in said proclajnation, uot 
«Hite tlMa sixty nor later than ninety ityt after the sf^roval of this Act. 
t»A tlne&m for delegates shall be held and Modoeted, the retiims made, and 
Hm eertifieates of persona elected to soeh eaBTenUon issued, « aaarly a* may 
ta^ in tike saine manner aa i* preooiibed by the Imra of said TeniUnjr regniatias 
•leotioM theieia at meaabei* of the legiaiature existing at the time «f the last 



FIRST PAGE OP STATEHOOD ENABLING ACT 



CHAPTER XXVI 

State Organization 

1912 

The state government was put in actual operation by the in- 
auguration of the governor, on January 15, 1912. The other 
elected officials of the state assumed office at various times, short- 
ly before or after that date. 

The Legislature met and organized on March 11, 1912, and 
continued in session until June 8. During the session of the 
Senate a number of the appointive officials were appointed and 
confirmed; some others remaining in office under their previous 
appointments, and not yet being superseded. 

The following elective, appointive and legislative officials v/cre 
those holding their respective positions on July 1 , 1912 : 

Elected Officials 



STATE 

Governor 

Lieutenant Governor 

Secretary of State 

Attorney General 

Auditor 

Treasurer 

Commissioner of Public Lcinds 

Superintendent of Public Instruction 

Corporation Commissioner 

Corporation Commissioner 

Corporation Commissioner 



William C. McDonald 
Esequiel C. de Baca 
Antonio Lucero 
Frank W. Clancy 
William G. Sargent 
Owen N. ]Marron 
Robert P. Ervien 
Alvan N. White 
Hugh H. Williams 
]\[atthew S. Groves 
Oscar L. Owen 



STATE ORGANIZATION 269 

Elected Officials 
congressional 
U. S. Senators 
Thomas B. Catron Santa Fe 

Albert B. Fall Three Rivers 

Representatives 
George Curry Tularosa 

H, B. Fergusson Albuquerque 

Elected Officials 

judicial 

Supreme Court, Chief Justice Clarence J. Roberts 

Supreme Court Richard H. Hanna 

Supreme Court Frank W. Parker 

District Court, 1st District Edmund C. Abbott 

District Court, 2d District Herbert F. Raynolds 

District Court, 3d District E. L. Medler 

District Court. 4th District David J. Leahy 

District Court, 5th District John T. McClure 

District Court, 6th District Colin Neblett 

District Court, 7th District Merritt C. I\rechem 

District Court, 8th District Thomas D. Leib 

Appointed State Officials 

Traveling Auditor Howell Earnest 1912 

State Engineer James A. French 1912 

Insurance Superintendent Jacobo Chavez holds over 

Librarian Lola C. Armijo holds over 

Adjutant General A. S. Brooks 1912 

Superintendent of I'enitentiary John B. McManus 1912 

Game and Fish Warden Trinidad C. de Baca 1912 

Mine Inspector Joseph E. Sheridan holds over 

Coal Oil Inspector Frank Lopez 1912 

Captain Mounted Police Fred Fornoff 1912 



270 



HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 



MEMBERS OF THE FIRST STATE LEGISLATURE OF 
NEW MEXICO 

State Senate 



TERMS 


OF STATE SENATORS EXPIRE 


JANUARY, 1917 


District 


Name 


Residence 


1 


John S. Clark 


East Las Vegas 


2 


Juan Navarro 


INIora 


3 


Louis C. Ufeld 


Las Vegas 


4 


Thomas D. Burns 


Tierra Amarilla 


5 


Joseph F. Sulxer 


Albuquerque 


6 


Epimenio A. Miera 


Cuba 


7 


Isaac Barth 


Albuquer(me 


8 


Edwin C. Crampton 


Raton 


9 


Eugenio B. Gailegos 


Gailegos 


10 


Benjamin F. Pankey 


Lamy 


11 


Squire Ilartt, Jr. 


Ranches of Taos 


12 


Boleslo Romero 


Los Lunas 


13 


Charles J. Laughren 


Deming 


14 


A. C. Abeytia 


Socorro 


15 


William M. McCoy 


Mountainair 


16 


Herbert B. Holt 


Las C races 


17 


Gregory Page 


Gallup 


18 


Jolm M. Bowman 


Alamogordo 


19 


James F. Hinkle 


Roswell 


20 


Fred F. Doepp 


Carlsbad 


21 


A. J. Evans 


Portales 


22 


C. H. Alldredge 


Tucumcari 


23 


Thomas J. JNIahry 


Clovis 


24 


William B. Walton 


Silver City 



STATE ORGANIZATION 



271 



House of Representatives 
terms op state representatives expire january, 1915 



Roman L. Baca, Speaker 



District 

1 

1 

2 

2 

3 

3 

3 

4 

4 

5 

5 

6 

6 

6 

7 

7 

8 

8 

9 

9 

10 
11 
11 
12 
13 
14 
14 
15 
15 
16 
17 



Name 
Zacarias Padilla 
Miguel E. Baca 
Conrad N. Hilton 
Thomas Cooney 
Tomas A. Gurule 
John B. Burg 
Rafael Garcia 
Roman L. Baca 
Charles C. Catron 
Julian Trujillo 
J. P. Lucero 
George W. Tripp 
Jose G. Lohato 
Francisco Quintana 
Bias Sanchez 
Remigio Lopez 
J. R. Skidmoro 
Manuel C. Martinez 
Luis R. Montoya 
Manuel Cordova 
Marcos C. de Baca 
Oscar T. Toombs 
Juan D. Casados 
James W. Chaves 
John J. Clancy 
John A. Young 
Duncan IMcGillivray 
W. H. H. Llewellyn 
Presiliano Moreno 
James V. TuUy 
Chas. P. Downs 



Residence 
Los Lunas 
Los Lunas 
San Antonio 
Mogollon 
Albuquerque 
Albuquerque 
Albuquerque 
Santa Fe 
Santa Fe 
Chimayo 
Lumber ton 
East Las Vegas 
Tecolote 
Sapello 

Wagon ]\Iound 
Roy 
Raton 
Ponil 
Taos 
Taos 

Bernalillo 
Clayton 
Clapham 
Willard 

Puerto de Luna 
Gallup 
Crown Point 
Las Cruces 
Las Cruces 
Glencoe 
Alamogordo 



272 



HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 



District 


Name 


Residence 


18 


Jas. W. Mullens 


Roswell 


18 


J. T. Evans 


Dexter 


18 


W. E. Rogers 


Roswell 


19 


Hugh M. Gage 


Hope 


19 


Florence Ijove 


Loving 


20 


P. E. Carter 


Portales 


21 


S. J. Smith 


Mountaim-iew 


22 


A. S. Goodell 


Silver City 


22 


Robt. H. Bouhvare 


Silver City 


23 


George H. Tucker 


Hillsboro 


24 


W. H. Chrisman 


Aztec 


25 


J. W. Campbell 


Tucumcari 


25 


John L. House 


House 


26 


W. W. Nichols 


Clovis 


27 


Antonio D. Vargas 


Ojo Caliente 


28 


Tranquilino Labadie 


Santa Rosa 


29 


M. P. JManzanares 


Fort Sumner 


30 


W. E Blan chard 


Arabela 



OCT 17 1912 



